Jerome Mayhew MP: speeches

Speeches

• 3 Feb 2026 · Railways Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  No wonder I agree with it so strongly. I put “LD” by it, but that is being unduly generous to the Liberal Democrats. It is an excellent amendment. As I was concluding, it would ensure greater transparency and, therefore, a better service from this organisation, so I have no hesitation in supporting amendment 235 and I hope that the Liberal Democrats join me in doing so.

• 3 Feb 2026 · Railways Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  The clause sets out the circumstances in which the passengers’ council must—that is “must”, not “may”—investigate matters relating to railway passenger services or station services. I could provide a long description of the clause, but I will leave that to the Minister, who I know will want to explain it to the Committee. Essentially, the Bill largely lifts the current framework into the GBR model, so I can see why no amendment would be needed, although Ministers should clarify how the national and London watchdogs will co-ordinate on cross-boundary issues. I will be grateful for an explanation of how the Minister will undertake the balancing act between GBR and the London Transport Users Committee. There is, however, a big issue with the current wording of the clause. It requires the council actively to “investigate any matter relating to the provision of railway passenger services” put to it by members of the public, as well as others. That sounds great, but from a practical perspective, there are 1.75 billion passenger journeys each year. The potential issues with the service that passengers receive will run into the tens of thousands every year, yet the drafting of the clause will impose a legal duty on the passengers’ council to investigate every single one of them, unless they are “frivolous or vexatious”. “Frivolous” and “vexatious” are legal terms. To demonstrate that something is vexatious is a very high bar for the passengers’ council: it would typically have to provide evidence of multiple previous complaints on a similar subject that came to nothing. That is what “vexatious” means, and “frivolous” is not far off it. The Minister, perhaps unwittingly, is creating an enormous a legal duty and a vast workstream for the host organisation that is becoming the passengers’ council, which has fewer than 30 members of staff.

• 3 Feb 2026 · Railways Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I am interested in the Minister’s repeated insistence that there would be confusion if there were more than one enforcement body for rail activities. What is his proposed solution to the Competition and Markets Authority and its enforcement competency for the railways, which currently is shared with the Office of Rail and Road? Is it his plan to amend the competencies of the Competition and Markets Authority? If not, why is the argument so overwhelming to prevent the passenger watchdog from having teeth, when he allows the CMA to have teeth?

• 3 Feb 2026 · Railways Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I have thought long and hard about this, Mrs Hobhouse, and given the time of day, we will let it pass. Question put and agreed to. Clause 48 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clauses 49 to 52 ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 53 General duties of the LTUC Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

• 3 Feb 2026 · Railways Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I was just trying to be helpful.

• 3 Feb 2026 · Railways Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I am not going to reheat the discussions that we have already enjoyed on clause 37, and clause 38 simply replicates the 1993 Act. We are happy for the clauses to proceed without amendment. Question put and agreed to. Clause 37 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 38 ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 39 Investigations

• 3 Feb 2026 · Railways Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  You will not be totally amazed to learn, Mrs Hobhouse, that I am not persuaded by the position that the Minister has taken. The obfuscation, chucking in other modes of transport when that is clearly excluded by the wording of the clause, does not persuade me and I wish to press both amendments to a vote. Question put, That the amendment be made.

• 3 Feb 2026 · Railways Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I would not want to prevent the Minister from agreeing with me at some length. We have a slightly odd grouping here, because amendments 208 and 209 would amend clause 36, but the other amendments in the group would amend clause 37—perhaps that is where we have gone wrong. I will not really speak on amendments 208 and 209, because the Liberal Democrats spokesman has indicated that he will not push them to a vote. In so far as they guarantee representation for passenger groups on the passengers’ council, we support the direction of travel, but as they are not progressing further, I will not say more. Clause 37 deals with keeping matters under review and collecting information. The Minister has already set out a précis of what the clause—

• 3 Feb 2026 · Railways Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I beg to move amendment 71, in clause 46, page 24, line 26, after “for” insert “all users and potential users of the railways including, in particular,”. This amendment allows the Passenger Council to set access standards for all users and potential users of the railway.

• 3 Feb 2026 · Railways Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I beg to move amendment 74, in clause 47, page 25, line 23, leave out from “Council” to the end of line 32 and insert “take such action (if any) as it thinks appropriate for the purpose of remedying the contravention, or avoiding it taking place or being repeated.” This amendment would give the Passengers’ Council the power to enforce improvement plans.

• 2 Feb 2026 · High Speed Rail (Crewe - Manchester) Bill · Hansard source

  More

  I echo the Secretary of State’s thanks for what must have seemed a very thankless task in the Select Committee. This is a slightly odd legislative vehicle, but the motion is a practical mechanism used by the last Government to allow for continued progress on railway improvements to create Northern Powerhouse Rail, and it was moved across three Sessions of Parliament. The Conservative Government of the day decided to carry over this Bill to use it as a wrapper to support Northern Powerhouse Rail. The project was championed by my right hon. Friend the Member for Richmond and Northallerton (Rishi Sunak) during his Administration, so it is no surprise to me that the Government have followed his lead in their proposal to carry it over again. Back in May 2024, Parliament reduced the scope of a much wider Bill to focus solely on NPR, so the issue now before this House is in fact a very narrow one: whether there is a collective will to progress development of a roughly 15-mile stretch of track as part of this Government’s plans to progress Northern Powerhouse Rail. The House is also being asked to agree to the establishment of a new Select Committee. That obviously matters because the Bill is a hybrid Bill, and it is through the Select Committee process that outstanding petitions from those directly affected will be considered. It is also the structure through which any additional provisions brought forward by the Government to reshape the Bill will be scrutinised, and those newly affected, if there are any, by any proposal will be given the opportunity to be heard. If this Bill is to be properly repurposed, it clearly makes sense that the work of the associated Select Committee carries on. The Opposition accept the rationale for allowing the current process to survive the end of this parliamentary Session to give the Government further time to continue their work. However, while we agree that they should continue with the Bill, it is with increasing concern that I look at the lack of progress they are actually making. We are a year and a half into the Labour Administration, and all we got a couple of weeks ago was a fanfare announcement that Labour would commission consultants’ reports on how Northern Powerhouse Rail could be built. There are not just a few reports, but £275 million of reports every year of this Parliament—£1.1 billion of them—but no sign of any significant building works. Real progress has been kicked down the road, perhaps because the Secretary of State knows that she does not have the money to do what she has promised. His Majesty’s Treasury has capped Northern Powerhouse Rail at £45 billion, yet that was the claimed cost back in 2019. That was before covid, since when, as we all know, costs have soared. She knows that she does not have the money, so she distracts her Back Benchers with castle-in-the-air planning, with the taxpayer picking up the bill. I asked the Secretary of State a fortnight ago for clarity, transparency and even an indication of how the funds were to be reconciled, and she huffed and she puffed, and said she would not be lectured, but she did not answer the question. We are none the wiser as to how the Government expect to fill the gap. What cuts will she be forced to make, and are they to the high-speed section? Perhaps she could tell the House today. It would have been better for the public to have had such clarity nearly three weeks ago than the spectacle of the Secretary of State signing bits of paper on her rail tour of northern cities. We want to see these schemes come in on budget and in a timely manner, and addressing local concerns so that communities are not just spoken to, but listened to. To get the best possible result for taxpayers, the Government need to avoid overly onerous environmental mitigations that impose huge costs for minimal benefit. They talk of deregulation to speed up the process, but where is the action to deregulate? We need to see the Government choosing supply chains based on cost and performance, with value for money for the taxpayer right at the heart of their decision-making process, bringing costs down while speeding up construction. However, the Government are not doing this hard work, and we need a Government with sufficient backbone to be honest about what they can afford to achieve. There is no sign of that. It is on actual delivery that this Government will be judged—not just by me and by the Opposition, but by the public, who, right now, are being let down.

• 2 Feb 2026 · High Speed Rail (Crewe - Manchester) Bill · Hansard source

  More

  I am the first to accept that there are serious lessons to be learned from the delivery of HS2. However, the Secretary of State has so far failed to mention how she proposes to deliver all that she has promised within a financial cap of £45 billion, given that the estimate for the works back in 2019 was, I think, £46 billion—from memory. What is she not going to do in order to stay within the Treasury’s £45 billion cap?

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  You will not be wholly surprised, Mrs Hobhouse, to know that I am entirely unconvinced by the Minister’s arguments. This is one of the key differences of opinion between the Government and the sector, and I seek to give the sector a voice through my amendments and my submissions. I will look to you, Mrs Hobhouse, for guidance on the exact process; I intend to press some amendments to a Division, but not all of them, to save a bit of time for everyone.

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  The hon. Member is as capable of reading the amendments as I am of drafting them. I do not want to get hung up on that, but my working assumption and my assertion to him is that the ownership structure internationally may be a state-owned organisation, but the delivery body in the United Kingdom would be a for-profit, private organisation, so it would pass the test of being in the private sector. Jolly good news too—if the British taxpayer can benefit from the largesse of the foreign taxpayer providing a more competitive service for whatever the Secretary of State is seeking to contract for, that is a wonderful thing. That is a gift from abroad, and we should be encouraging it.

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Having heard the semi-reassurance of the Minister, I will not move amendment 40. Clause 24, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill. Ordered, That further consideration be now adjourned. — (Nesil Caliskan.)

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I beg to move amendment 39, in clause 23, page 13, line 9, at end insert— “(3) The memorandum of understanding must be published at the same time as the Rail Strategy. (4) The memorandum of understanding must be laid before both Houses of Parliament for a period of two months before it can come into force.” This amendment would require the memorandum of understanding to be published at the same time as the Rail Strategy, and laid before Parliament for two months before it can come into force.

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I can beat that. The clause appears necessary, and it is not one that His Majesty’s Opposition will object to. Question put and agreed to . Clause 19 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill . Clause 20 Competition duty of ORR

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Thank you, Mrs Hobhouse; I am grateful for that guidance. Amendment 36 is a bench-marking amendment. It is absolutely crucial to keep GBR honest in the future when it comes to value for money, in particular for the taxpayer. I will certainly press it to a Division. Question put, That the amendment be made.

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I am grateful to the Minister for her intervention, but it needs to be much clearer than that, because we are talking about the general duties of GBR. GBR will be able to rely on the definition and say, “We’ve satisfied our general duty under clause 18(2) because we have improved railway service performance as defined by the Minister,” which is reliability and the avoidance of passenger overcrowding. That is clearly wholly unacceptable and does not support the significant improvement that we all wish to see in the provision of passenger services. We think that amendment 32 is important, since the Government are not showing a customer focus and are being overly led by an engineering mindset. It feels like they have chucked in a passengers’ council, which can be ignored because it has no enforcement powers, and then lip service is paid to the experiences of the passenger. We already know that Great British Railways as an organisation is dominated by Network Rail. It is an organisation with about 41,000 members of staff, to which is added every six weeks or couple of months another operating company of 2,000 to 4,000 staff. It is quite apparent where, without intervention, the dominating culture will come from. We have to focus on improving customer experience as a whole, and it is for that reason that I will press the amendment to a vote.

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  It is good to see you back in your place, Mrs Hobhouse. Something happened during our short recess: I was in the Tea Room, at the right end, but down at the wrong end I heard someone singing “Happy Birthday”. It occurred to me that today is the Minister’s birthday. [Hon. Members: “Hear! Hear!”] We are not going to sing, but I think we should all take the opportunity to say happy birthday to the Minister. What better activity could one choose for their birthday than for all of us to be together, like one big happy family? I know that the icing on the cake will be clause 17, which requires the Secretary of State to set a target to increase freight on the railways. The Government tell us that this should be a measurable target that establishes the goal, as an amount or percentage, for how much growth is sought—although that is not specified in the Bill, like so much else. Great British Railways must have regard to the target when carrying out its statutory functions, and it should also have regard to any freight growth target or strategy set by Scottish Ministers. This appears to be good news for the rail freight sector, and it will be a relief for it that it has been mentioned in the Bill—I believe that this is a relatively late inclusion. However, the duty is merely for GBR to “have regard” to the freight target, and we have explored such wording in the debates on other clauses. It requires that GBR only considers the target, not delivers it, which undermines its effectiveness as a statutory growth driver. The Rail Freight Group, in its written evidence to the Transport Committee, set out: “To succeed and grow rail freight customers and operators will need to be assured that…a. they can secure access to the network in a fair, consistent and timely way for their services, including those on new routes and to new destinations as they arise…b. that the costs of rail remain competitive when compared to road freight…c. that the network remains reliable and fit for purpose for freight trains (for example, to handle heavy or high gauge container trains)…d. that there is independent oversight and a right of appeal if freight is unfairly treated or disadvantaged…e. That they can invest in rail freight assets (wagons, terminals, locomotives etc) with the confidence that they will have a long term use of those assets.” It went on to say: “The current provisions in the Bill provide some positive elements in support of these requirements, but also increase the risk in others. Overall, the Bill is not sufficient to assure rail freight of the key points ahead as currently presented.” The main takeaway from the Rail Freight Group is that it does not feel that the target can be met, however well-intentioned it might be, if the Bill’s current wording remains. Rail Forum, in its written evidence to the Transport Committee, said: “From Rail Forum’s perspective there is nothing specific in the Bill that will guarantee improved travel for passengers. Improvement is predicated on the goodwill of GBR and others driving things in the ‘right direction’. In our view the key to improvement is culture change within those organisations coming together to form GBR. Creating GBR from Network Rail Infrastructure Ltd (NRIL) will not signal the need for change and creates a risk that the current Network Rail culture will be seen as the norm and hence the status quo will prevail.” We have discussed this a bit. The Minister has taken the view that this cultural change does not exist. If he continues with that belief, he will condemn this nationalisation experiment to almost certain failure. The vast majority of the wider sector agrees that organisational culture is the single most important ingredient for the Bill to get right, yet time and again the Government have resisted amendments suggested by the Opposition and the Liberal Democrats to drive an improvement in culture and focus on the right things. Having set the target for GBR, the clause uses very weak language for what comes next: just “have regard to”. It is too weak. Amendment 262, in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Runnymede and Weybridge (Dr Spencer), who is not a member of the Committee but drafted this amendment along with a couple of others that we have already debated, seeks to highlight his constituents’ concerns about the negative impact that level crossings can have on communities. He is right to stand up for his constituents and that freight is one more part of the jigsaw when we look at the juxtaposition between the needs of the railway—whether it is passenger services or, as in the case of this amendment, rail freight—and the knock-on consequences for the wider economy of a community whose economic and social heart is bisected by a level crossing. He is right that those three sometimes competing issues need to be balanced, which is the intention of amendment 262. Amendment 219 in my name would leave out “have regard to” and insert “take into account in all relevant decisions and demonstrate that it has taken into account”. That is a stronger line to take and makes it easier for freight organisations to hold decision makers to account. They need to have the power to challenge the historic approach of freight being secondary to passenger travel. Accommodation is needed for both in a sector where we all hope that both passenger and freight will grow, but we need to recognise that it is a capacity-limited structure and that there will therefore have to be some compromise. Historically, freight has always played second fiddle to passenger travel. We need accommodation for both, and the new wording would strengthen the hand of freight to ensure that its proper position is maintained by GBR. I will seek to divide the Committee on that amendment if the opportunity arises. Amendment 149, in the name of the hon. Member for Didcot and Wantage, would require a national freight strategy, including electrification of freight routes and infrastructure improvements. It is unobjectionable, and in fact quite good. I would support it should the hon. Member press it to a vote. Amendment 220, which is in my name, would strengthen the accountability of the Secretary of State by adding a new subsection that states: “The Secretary of State must take into account the rail freight target in all relevant decisions and”— importantly— “demonstrate how the target has been taken into account.” The key word there, of course, is “demonstrate”. It would keep the duty high in the mind of officials and make it easier for independent rail freight operators to hold the Government to their duty. Without that strengthening, the clause would achieve very little. We go through the whole process of having this rail freight target—“Isn’t that wonderful? We’ve done a great job. We as policymakers think this is excellent”—and then the delivery organisation just has to “have regard” to it and can leave it on the shelf. As currently drafted, it looks as though the clause is a last-minute bung to the loud rail freight sector. We all heard the oral evidence from Maggie Simpson of the Rail Freight Group. She is, without doubt, the doughtiest of campaigners on behalf of the members of her organisation. She is very effective, but it was clear to me that clause 17 was a late accommodation for her advocacy, but it is only half cocked. That explains why, while Maggie Simpson was trying not to sound too churlish in relation to what the Government have done so far, she nevertheless went on to say it is still deserving of criticism. This amendment seeks to improve further what the Government have started. In relation to the rail freight target, new clause 47 requires an annual report on rail freight. It would create “an annual reporting and oversight mechanism, requiring GBR to set out how freight access, performance and corridor capacity are being supported, and requiring the ORR to publish an independent assessment”. That would strengthen the clause, which the Rail Freight Group says does not go far enough—I have already set out its quote in relation to that. Once more, we are back to the accountability of a new nationalised industry. You get what you measure, and without requirements for GBR to report, there is a serious risk of getting lost in the weeds. The decision to nationalise is the Government’s; it is a political decision based on their ideology, but we have to accept that it does remove market forces. Some people say there are negative elements of market forces, but there are undoubtedly positive elements as well; we just need to be open-eyed about it. If we remove market forces as a driver of competition, efficiency and innovation, then they need to be replaced by duties in the legislation or accompanying documents. The duty to replace the incentives with cumbersome regulations and control is an inevitable consequence of the decision to nationalise. That is what new clause 47 is intended to achieve.

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  The Minister will not be wholly surprised that I do not agree with his analysis. I intend to press amendments 219 and 220—and, in the fullness of time, new clause 47—to a Division, but I beg to ask leave to withdraw amendment 262. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn. Amendment proposed : 219, in clause 17, page 9, line 30, leave out “have regard to” and insert “take into account in all relevant decisions and demonstrate that it has taken into account”.— (Jerome Mayhew.) This amendment would require GBR to take into account the freight target when making all relevant decisions and to show how this has been taken into account. Question put, That the amendment be made.

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  It may well do, in short answer. The Minister makes a valid point: having a single point of contact for this may well have a benefit. Of course, it could be the Office of Rail and Road as opposed to GBR, but the real problem, which we will come on to in a few hours—or days—is the drafting of clause 63, which concerns the capacity duty and the very onerous level that open access operators will have to get above in order for GBR to consider that there is sufficient excess capacity to allow for new services. As clause 63(2) states: “Great British Railways must exercise the functions so as to ensure that it retains sufficient capacity over GBR infrastructure to allow for…the operation of GBR passenger services and of railway passenger services that it expects will in future be GBR passenger services”. That is a bar, I suggest, that no open access application could ever get over. GBR gets a get-out-of-jail-free card. No one likes competition. When I ran businesses, I did my best to avoid competition as much as I could. The inclination of GBR will be no different. It will not want to be shown up by competition. It will not want its market to be pinched by competition. All it will have to do is look at clause 63 and say, “There you go. At some stage in the future we might think about having something there,” and Bob’s your uncle. Then what can the open access operators do? They could say, “That is a terrible decision. We’re going to appeal it. Even though the bar is so high in legislation that it is almost impossible to appeal, we’re going to the ORR because clause 67 says that any organisation that is disgruntled at such a decision has a right to appeal.” Look at what the appeal duty provides for: organisations can go to the ORR, and there is an appeal akin to judicial review in the High Court, meaning that there can be no appeal at all on the application’s merits, which cannot be reopened. No evidence regarding whether there is a good business case can be considered—just whether there has been an error of law, or whether an organisation properly constituted could have come to that decision without irrationality. That is what the judicial review principles mean. Furthermore, organisations have to put in their application for judicial review within three months of the commission of the event against which they are complaining. It is incredibly onerous, and perhaps the single biggest problem with the drafting of the Bill is a combination of those two issues. That was a very enjoyable aside, but I need to get on to the amendments—you are probably relieved to hear that, Mrs Hobhouse. Amendments 237, 37, 238, 239 and 240 essentially all serve to apply the ORR competition duty to GBR functions, to serve the passenger rather than the organisation of GBR. That is what we need to focus on time and again: this organisation is to serve the passenger, not itself as an organisation. The amendments would keep alive the role of open access operators as challenger brands to GBR, forcing GBR to up its game and stay honest, just as we have seen with the nationalised operator on the east coast main line. Just because there would be competition, that does not mean that GBR would wither and decline. As we have seen on the east coast main line, competition drives increased performance and results from all organisations when properly applied. Competition is always uncomfortable. I complained about it many times in my previous business career. Many businesses, including my own, would have loved to be able to regulate it away. All the more reason for the Government to stand up to GBR in the interests of passengers. The Minister was quite right to say that it is a positive step that GBR will have oversight of the whole network. However, we want to see the ORR’s competition powers in these areas restored as a way to ensure that GBR, while having a reasonable duty to look at and balance the needs of the network as a whole, does not unfairly discriminate against other operators because we have GBR as referee and player. That is clearly a designed, structural conflict of interest. We need to have the ORR focusing on competition and holding the ring. Amendment 237 deals with funding, amendment 37 deals with access, amendment 238 deals with railway closures, and amendments 239 and 240 deal with advice to the Secretary of State and amendment 240 also deals with advice to the Secretary of State. I know all Members will have read those amendments, so I will not take the Committee through them one by one in the interests of time. Amendment 38 would insert “and deliver value for money” after “competition” in clause 20, page 11, line 27. We do not need the Office of Rail and Road just to fight the cause of competition; it is also about value for money for the taxpayer. We have already heard that about 50% of all money spent on the railways at the moment is taxpayers’ money, not farebox money. It is therefore crucial that the ORR should have a duty to ensure that GBR delivers value for money. The general duty, as set out in clause 18, is to have regard to the “efficient use” of public funds. That is clearly insufficiently strong. In the absence of other private passenger operators, whether via open access or a devolved concession, which would be equally powerful as a comparator for GBR’s performance, against what will GBR’s efficiency and performance on value for money be measured? Amendment 38 would correct the language in clause 20. I have not made it up myself; it has been considered and approved of by the sector as a whole—people standing up for passengers. On amendments 37, 41, 42 and 43, Rail Forum said: “Again, this is desirable to ensure some competition.” I have spoken to all my amendments, but I would also like to speak about amendment 210, which is in the name of the hon. Member for Didcot and Wantage. The amendment also removes the exemption of the ORR’s duty to promote competition in regard to GBR’s access process. It is a variation on a theme. We are all pushing in the same direction because we are trying to stand up for passengers, and I hope the Government will too.

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I beg to move amendment 36, in clause 18, page 10, line 41, at end insert— “(5) In this section, Great British Railways must make an assessment of the effect of procuring services from businesses in the private sector in meeting its duties under subsection (2)(f).” This amendment would require GBR to assess whether procuring services from the private sector would help it meet its value for money duty.

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I beg to move amendment 33, in clause 18, page 10, line 23, at end insert— “(g) in the manner best calculated to increase the number travelling by railway, (h) in the manner best calculated to contribute to economic growth, (i) in the manner best calculated to increase private sector investment and involvement in the railways and railway services, (j) in the manner best calculated to remove or reduce the need for public subsidy of the railways, (k) in the manner best calculated to increase levels of passenger satisfaction as monitored by The Passengers’ Council, and (l) in the manner best calculated to improve efficiency and productivity in the delivery of railway services.” This amendment gives Great British Railways additional duties to promote passenger growth, economic growth, and increased private sector investment in the railways.

• 29 Jan 2026 · Railways Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Let us go straight into amendment 36, which would require GBR to benchmark the cost of its activities against similar provision through the use of the private sector. That is important, because if competition is removed, there is literally no benchmark against which to judge the effectiveness and efficiency of the organisation. Without comparison, where is the value in clause 18(2)(f), which says: “taking into account the costs that will need to be met from public funds and the need to make efficient use of those funds,”? What benchmark will the organisation have if it does not cross-reference against alternative providers? The amendment would require GBR to assess whether “procuring services from…the private sector” would help it to meet its value for money duty. I should make it clear for Labour Members who are considering supporting this amendment that it would not require GBR to choose a private sector provider, but it would require it to benchmark against the private sector. Procuring from the private sector could enable access to specialist expertise, innovation—dare I say that?—and competitive pricing, helping to deliver better value for money and more efficient outcomes for taxpayers. Will the Minister listen to the concerns of the industry and support this amendment, which seeks to make GBR an organisation that cares about passengers and taxpayers at the same time? Amendments 42 and 43 would amend clause 31, on the provision of railway passenger services, which we will get to in due course. The clause currently allows the Secretary of State to award a licence only to a public-sector company. It cannot be in the best interests of the taxpayer to exclude even the consideration of alternative providers based on their ability and value for money. This is one of the most blatant examples of political ideology trumping pragmatism. The amendments would grant maximum flexibility to a future Secretary of State and Scottish and Welsh Ministers to make an award to the organisation, public or private, that is best placed to undertake the operation. It seems obvious that we should allow that degree of flexibility to the organisation and the Secretary of State in future. Amendment 98, which is tabled in my name, would require the Office of Rail and Road to consider whether it would be a “more efficient use of public funds” for GBR to procure services from the private sector. It echoes the other amendments in this group but would amend clause 74, which, as everyone will remember, relates to the ORR’s monitoring duties towards GBR. Amendment 236 would also amend clause 74 to require the Office of Rail and Road to assess whether procuring services from the private sector would better enable GBR to meet its value for money duty. New clause 43 relates to a private sector growth target. It would require the Secretary of State to publish a target for increasing private sector involvement in railway services and infrastructure for each financial year, including its involvement in supply chains and open access. Just because we want GBR to be a success, let us not forget that, even once established, it will be a minority interest in relation to the rail sector as a whole. There is not just open access—there are all sorts of other users of and suppliers to the railways—so we can have both duties. They are not mutually incompatible. The new clause would require that the target must be kept under review and that GBR must have regard to it when exercising its statutory functions. The private sector is best at providing us with innovation and efficiencies and should therefore be used to ensure that GBR can be the best version of itself. In more common parlance, we need the private sector to keep GBR honest. The Bill designs the ORR and the Secretary of State out of comparing GBR against a thriving private sector. Surely it makes sense to give the Secretary of State all the tools in the box to allow her to drive efficiency in GBR and cross-check value for money for the taxpayer.