Wera Hobhouse MP: speeches

Speeches

• 1 Apr 2025 · Eating Disorder Awareness · Hansard source

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  I totally agree. Unfortunately, there is a massive postcode lottery. Services need to improve across the country so that everybody, like my hon. Friend’s constituent, can get the treatment they need as close to home as possible, because carers are so important, and so that families can see their loved ones. In the last year alone, more than 30,000 acute admissions for eating disorders were recorded—that is a vast number. What was already an overstretched and under-resourced support system for those affected by eating disorders has now become a national emergency. Our APPG report sadly proved these systemic failures are costing lives. It is clear we need an urgent and comprehensive overhaul of eating disorder care and treatment in this country to ensure that we do not lose our important inpatient care, and to massively improve community and day treatments. I add to what my hon. Friend the Member for Horsham (John Milne) said, that if eating disorders, or the underlying mental health disorders, are not prevented or cared for early enough, everything becomes so much worse further down the line. I repeat that we must address the role social media plays in promoting eating disorders and harmful content, especially to young people. We also cannot even begin to understand the depth of this crisis without accurate data regarding eating disorder-related deaths. I hope the Government have heard what I said today, and will act fast and decisively to ensure that eating disorder sufferers finally receive the treatment and care they all deserve. I have been chair and vice-chair of the APPG on eating disorders for the last six years. That is a long, frustrating time to see get worse something that one wants to get better, so I hope that today may be the start of us turning a corner.

• 1 Apr 2025 · Eating Disorder Awareness · Hansard source

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  It is important that we stress that an eating disorder is not a terminal illness and therefore should not fall under that legislation. I know that the hon. Gentleman and I agree on that; I think we disagree on his worries about how it would be treated, practically, in the future. An eating disorder is not a terminal illness.

• 1 Apr 2025 · Eating Disorder Awareness · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered eating disorder awareness. It is a pleasure to serve with you in the Chair, Mr Stuart. Eating disorders are among the most serious and life-threatening of all mental illnesses, but they have been overlooked and underfunded for too long. Because of this, they have one of the largest treatment gaps in modern healthcare, and we must ask why that is. In the face of overwhelming need, why are we still ignoring this crisis, especially as it is a documented fact that recovering from an eating disorder is possible, no matter how long and complex the illness has been? In the past decade, we have seen an alarming rise in eating disorders—a trend that only worsened during the pandemic. What was already a struggling support system for those affected by eating disorders has collapsed under pressure. Too many people are waiting, too many people are failed and too many people are feeling neglected by the system. The eating disorders all-party parliamentary group, which I chair, recently published its report, “The right to health: People with eating disorders are being failed”, which highlights the increasing neglect we are seeing across eating disorder services—but that is by no means to say that those who are working in eating disorder services are not working their socks off. People with eating disorders are being told that they are not thin enough, that they are too complex, and in some situations are being moved on to palliative care and identified as treatment-resistant. That is why we are pushing for a complete reformation of eating disorder treatment alongside the development of a stand-alone eating disorder strategy. During Prime Minister’s questions on 19 March, the Prime Minister emphasised the NHS’s goal of bringing eating disorder care closer to home. This is an important goal, but it requires equitable access to intensive community and day treatment, as highlighted in Beat’s report, “There’s no place like home”. Such services can reduce the need for costly hospital admissions and shorten stays for those who need in-patient care. However, Beat’s report shows that only one in six NHS integrated care systems in England currently offer enough intensive community and day patient treatments for both children and adults. Alongside this, it is crucial that we do not focus on only one end of the spectrum. Day services cannot always meet the needs of those with extreme malnutrition, and in-patient care is critical for many people who need high levels of physical, behavioural and psychological support. The strain on family carers, who often lack medical expertise, must be considered too. In-patient and day patient care must be part of a well-integrated, stepped care system. If those services are not co-ordinated nationally, gaps will form in the care pathway and patients may fall through the cracks. I agree with the Government that if people are treated in a timely manner in the community, there will be less need for costly in-patient care, but before we make any changes, we must ensure that all levels of care are adequately funded and can work in tandem to provide the best possible support. I recently had the privilege of hearing Nicky Smith share the story of her courageous daughter, who has been in in-patient services for over a decade. Unfortunately, during her long stays, she has not always received the treatment she needs. Her current stay is now in its 21st month. For the last eight months, her team has been trying to find an alternative placement for her complex needs. Sadly, she has been rejected by every service she has applied to and now faces discharge. Nicky and her daughter acknowledge that although some in-patient units are better resourced than others, being in in-patient care has saved Nicky’s daughter’s life and continues to do so. Over the last 12 years, the community eating disorder teams provided limited, inconsistent support. That caused rapid relapse, sometimes in just a few weeks, leading to low body mass index and frequent readmissions, often to inappropriate units such as general hospitals or acute mental health wards. Ultimately, she was readmitted each time to a specialist eating disorder unit, under section 3 of the Mental Health Act 1983. That is the only way she can complete meals without the need for nasogastric feeding. In addition to being deeply moving, this story drives home the importance of well-resourced specialist eating disorder units. We cannot cut back on those essential services and force those who are unsuited for discharge into community care. Specialist units are essential for keeping people alive, safe and supported, as they work towards recovery and reintegration into everyday life. That must continue, alongside investment in community and day-treatment programmes. To tackle eating disorders and develop effective treatments we need to understand them fully. Worryingly, the International Alliance of Mental Health Research Funders found that eating disorders accounted for just 1% of the UK’s already severely limited mental health research funding between 2015 and 2019. That is despite people with eating disorders accounting for around 9% of the total number of people with a mental health condition. Recent funding announcements are even more cause for concern. The Royal College of Psychiatrists found that 24 of the 42 integrated care boards planned real-terms spending cuts to children’s eating disorder services in the current financial year. That would result in real-terms cuts of well over £800,000. Those planned spending cuts come against a background of severely stretched children’s and young people’s eating disorder services: a 13% increase in referrals in the past 12 months; high thresholds to access services, resulting in more young people being in crisis; almost 800 urgent referrals still waiting for treatment at the end of December 2024; and a 30% true vacancy rate for all eating disorder consultant psychiatrist positions across England, as of March 2023. Following those troubling findings, will the Minister assure all of us here and across the country that all ICBs will invest sufficiently in those vital services in 2025-26 and beyond? As well as providing an increase in funding, we must take a close look at measures to protect children from harmful online eating disorder content. There is growing evidence that social media is linked to an increase in eating disorders among young people. Algorithms are showing harmful content to vulnerable people. Those include posts promoting fasting non-stop for days on end as a healthy lifestyle. There is an online trend of “thinspiration” posts, which glorify unhealthy weight loss. There have also been cases where, even after users have blocked certain accounts, they still see content that promotes eating disorders. In research conducted by the Center for Countering Digital Hate, a fictional UK-based 13-year-old user watched a video about eating disorders for the first time. Following the video, one in four suggested videos were for harmful eating disorder content. More than half were for content relating to eating disorders or weight loss. Under the Online Safety Act 2023, YouTube will have a responsibility to protect children from primary priority content such as eating disorders. Yet, YouTube still does not appear to be taking that seriously. In fact, algorithms are pushing the content in order to increase engagement. Harmful content viewed online can push children further into eating disorders that have a drastic effect on their health, wellbeing and life chances. From the evidence I have seen, I am concerned that, even when the provisions of the Online Safety Act 2023 come into force, the actions of those media giants may not change, which truly worries me. Social media is not the cause of eating disorders. Users who post much of this content are unwell and are not doing so maliciously, but social media can lead those who are already suffering further down the path of disordered eating. More needs to be done to hold social media companies accountable to legislation such as the Online Safety Act. Another issue of grave concern is the need for more accurate recording of eating disorder-related deaths, and a better understanding of the factors contributing to them. As we know, eating disorders are one of the most life-threatening mental illnesses, however, all too often they are not explicitly listed on death certificates, despite being a significant factor in the person’s death. For example, someone suffering from anorexia and severe malnutrition may have their cause of death recorded as organ failure, without any mention of the underlying eating disorder. That is a crucial gap that we must address. The APPG has heard first hand from people who have experienced the heartbreak of losing a loved one to an eating disorder. One particularly moving example is that of the Laurence Trust, a Northern Irish charity founded by Laurence’s family after his tragic death. Laurence had struggled with bulimia and depression, and eventually suffered a fatal heart attack. His mother Pam shared with the APPG that his death certificate did not list the eating disorder as a contributing factor. Instead, the cause of death was recorded as undetermined. That misclassification not only deprives families of closure, but hinders our understanding of the true scale of eating disorder-related fatalities. To better prevent such deaths in future, we must ensure that coroners’ reports accurately reflect eating disorders as contributory factors. Only by tackling these deaths can we gain a clearer picture of the impact of eating disorders, and take meaningful steps towards prevention and improved care. Accurate recording will raise awareness and ultimately save lives. It is high time that eating disorders are treated with the seriousness they deserve. We are all well aware of the many different parts of the NHS that require additional funding, but I have simply heard far too many harrowing stories about delays to treatment, inadequate care and premature inpatient discharge. Now is the time for change.

• 1 Apr 2025 · Product Regulation and Metrology Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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• 1 Apr 2025 · Relationship Education in Schools · Hansard source

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  Thank you, Sir Jeremy, for calling me to speak. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Epsom and Ewell (Helen Maguire) on securing this Westminster Hall debate. The Government have set ambitious targets to tackle violence against women and girls, but those goals will not be achieved without addressing relationship education in our schools. Ending violence is first about prevention; teaching children from a young age what a healthy relationship looks like is key to achieving change. Children need to be taught about respect, consent and equality. We Liberal Democrats have long supported comprehensive, inclusive and evidence-based relationship education in our schools. It is crucial that these lessons also include information about inclusivity and the needs of LGBT students. The well-documented Ofsted review in 2021 revealed shocking levels of sexual harassment in UK schools; indeed, it found that sexual harassment was so widespread that it must be addressed for all children and young people. The review highlighted several key issues. One of the biggest concerns was that students did not feel the need to report harassment because they saw it as normal. That shows how ingrained unhealthy behaviours can be in our schools. Even teachers were often unaware of the scale of the problem, not realising how serious it was. I will quickly refer to the Voyeurism (Offences) Act 2019, which addressed upskirting. Years ago, young boys were doing it quite regularly and they just thought that it was a laugh, not realising that there were victims nor how deeply hurt and victimised those who were targeted felt. That is exactly where relationship training starts: with someone understanding what they are actually doing to somebody else. That can only be done through good education in schools, where these things are openly discussed rather than just skirted around. Relationship and sex education must teach what constitutes acceptable behaviour. Many teachers admitted that they were not properly prepared to teach these sensitive topics. When a maths or science teacher is asked to teach about consent, healthy relationships or the sharing of sexual images, it is no surprise that they feel underqualified. I was one of those teachers who tried to teach 14 or 15-year-old boys. Clearly, boys of that age already know quite a lot, so we cannot just talk to them about the bees and the butterflies. Sex and relationship education should start earlier than in secondary school, by which time young people have already acquired a lot of unhealthy information that we can only try to catch up with, if we know where they got that information from and the extent of it. The Women and Equalities Committee published a report in 2023 that found that the delivery of relationship and sex education has been inconsistent; I think that was a polite way of saying “not good enough”. The report also suggested that the Government took further steps to ensure that teachers have the time and resources to learn how to deliver such lessons effectively. I hope that we do not have to wait for another report before we finally address these issues. In the online world that we live in, algorithms often target young people with harmful content, whether it is misogynistic—such as the content of Andrew Tate, who spread toxic views on women—or influencers sharing dangerous content about eating disorders. Social media is full of risks. These platforms must take responsibility for the content that is shared on them. The Online Safety Act 2023 aimed to make the internet safer for children and young people. It holds social media platforms accountable for harmful content, but they alone cannot deliver change. If the Government are serious about ending violence against women and girls, they must take sex and relationship education seriously. As I said, I suggest that we start such education earlier than in secondary school. Ultimately, teaching children from a young age what a healthy relationship looks like is the most important thing that we can teach our children. It is time that we empower young people with a range of knowledge about healthy relationships, consent, online safety and inclusivity.

• 27 Mar 2025 · Promoting Active Travel · Hansard source

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  Women cycle a lot less than men—71% of women do not cycle, compared with 54% of men. Safety concerns are the main barrier. That gender gap is not acceptable. What are the Government doing to address that?

• 26 Mar 2025 · Tobacco and Vapes Bill · Hansard source

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  The hon. Lady is talking about refillable vapes. Does she agree that contaminated refills are a huge problem, and that the Government should take that seriously and amend the Bill further?

• 26 Mar 2025 · Tobacco and Vapes Bill · Hansard source

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  I rise to speak to new clause 1 in my name. It would strengthen the Bill by requiring the Secretary of State to conduct a review and publish a report on the impact of contaminated e-liquid and ways to reduce its prevalence. It would also give the Secretary of State power to make regulations to kerb the harm caused by contaminated e-liquid. I have been campaigning on the issue of Spice-spiked vapes ever since it came to my attention last summer. The Bill is an opportunity to make a real change on this hugely concerning problem that is sweeping through schools across the country. New clause 1 would improve our understanding of contaminated e-liquid and ensure that the necessary regulations could be introduced to reduce the harm that it causes. The issue was first uncovered by Professor Chris Pudney at the University of Bath, who found that one in six vapes confiscated in schools contained the synthetic drug Spice. Spice is a dangerous prison drug that causes serious harm to users, including hallucinations, dizziness, chest pain, breathing difficulties and damage to vital organs. The highly addictive nature of Spice makes it a gateway to criminal activity, coercion and abuse. It is tragic that anyone would take this drug, but it is especially tragic when young people do, who are often unaware of the dangers. Many young people inadvertently smoke Spice under the impression that it is cannabis. Worryingly, recent investigations have found that vapes are being contaminated with not just Spice but ketamine and MDMA, which are particularly harmful when taken in high doses. The landscape of contaminated e-liquids is evolving rapidly, and it is likely that this issue will worsen if the Bill passes unamended. An unintended consequence of banning disposable vapes is that it will drive more users towards refillable vapes, which are the primary vehicles for contaminated e-liquids. Refillable vapes are more susceptible to being spiked with harmful substances than disposable vapes. This shift could exacerbate an already significant public health threat, making it even harder to control the spread of dangerous substances in the market. I welcome the ban on disposable vapes, but we must take action to safeguard against these unintended consequences. The Metropolitan police have warned about children accessing illicit vapes through social media platforms such as Snapchat and Telegram. There is clearly a link between social media-driven drug dealing and the rise of vaping in schools. The ease of access to vapes and their widespread use makes them even more difficult to regulate, and makes it difficult to protect individuals from unknowingly consuming illicit substances. There is a lack of knowledge and oversight, and counterfeit or illicit vape products are slipping through the cracks, exacerbating the already alarming rise in drug-related incidents. There is much more to understand about how illicit vapes and e-liquids are obtained. New clause 1 would set us on our way; it would ensure that we built on the research of Professor Pudney at the University of Bath by conducting a review of the impact and prevalence of these illicit e-liquids. I have had several conversations with Ministers about this issue. First, in response to my Adjournment debate, the Minister for Policing, Fire and Crime Prevention committed to addressing the issue through the Bill. I also met the former public health Minister, who assured me that the Government and health officials were taking the issue very seriously. I appreciate that Ministers want to make changes in this area; I urge them please to follow through and make this change by supporting new clause 1. As I have a little time, I note new clause 19, in the name of the right hon. Member for Melton and Syston (Edward Argar), which would require the Government to report on the availability of illegal tobacco and vaping products. This is a serious problem to which attention is rightfully being brought. I support that addition to the Bill, but the new clause does not quite get to the heart of the issue that I am focusing on. New clause 1 calls for a specific review of contaminated e-liquid and ways to reduce its prevalence, and gives the Secretary of State power to make regulations to combat the harm that contaminated e-liquid causes.

• 26 Mar 2025 · Tobacco and Vapes Bill · Hansard source

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  I hear what the Minister is saying, but the Metropolitan police and other forces tell us that it is incredibly difficult. The Bill gives us an extra opportunity to protect young children from a terrible pathway into addiction and crime. Is it not the task of this Government to stop that?

• 24 Mar 2025 · European Union: UK Membership · Hansard source

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  I congratulate all the petitioners on securing this important debate. More than 400 signatures came from my constituents alone, and I believe it is democratic to debate these important issues. Today is the start of a very important debate, and I hope the Government will listen. I say to the petitioners that I fought to the last to stop Brexit. I was shocked and grieving when we left in January 2020, and I almost took it as a personal failure that we could not stop Brexit. I would be the first to agree that Brexit is not working, and we have heard why this afternoon. Like my wonderful friend, my hon. Friend the Member for Stratford-on-Avon (Manuela Perteghella), I am a European product. I would not be here without the EU. I am German by birth and origin. I met and married my British husband, and I became a British citizen when I was 30. For the last 35 years, I have tried to get rid of my German accent. Through those many years, I have always been a European at heart. That heart was somewhat taken out of me, but through my scars, incomprehension and shock, I have come to understand that looking back is not an option now. We must find new ways of engagement and a new language to define our relationship with the European Union. We have to be pragmatic, realistic and honest with our constituents. I expect our Government not to look backwards, but to define what a reset of our relationship will lead to. The Liberal Democrats believe that the end of that journey should be being at the heart of the European Union once more. Last week, I was in Brussels as a member of the Parliamentary Partnership Assembly, as were a number of colleagues here today. The Assembly is the only formal body in which UK parliamentarians engage with EU parliamentarians. I heard from our European friends that the TCA is the EU’s most comprehensive and wide-ranging trade agreement with any third country, which is because the UK is an ex-member. No other country has left the European Union; most want to accede. It is important to recognise that the EU is quite happy with the TCA, and it does not necessarily want to reopen those discussions. We can theorise and test how far the TCA can go, but we have to recognise that the EU is currently quite happy with it. However, the EU does want to engage on its concerns about people-to-people contact, a sustainable energy future, and security and resilience. On people-to-people contact, the EU has mainly been proposing a youth mobility scheme. We Liberal Democrats were first out of the box to say we should agree to that. It is not helpful if the Government say that a youth mobility scheme is a return to free movement —it is not. We have to consider what a youth mobility scheme could realistically look like. Although I tried in the last Parliament to look at whether we could go back to something like Erasmus+, I recognise that it would cost the Government a lot of money, so I cannot see it happening just now. The Turing scheme, which is not just about students but apprenticeships and other exchanges for young people, is accessible only to British citizens. We should therefore consider whether there is an opportunity to make Turing reciprocal. I urge the Government at least to look at that, because it would make some sort of movement towards the European Union. Secondly, energy security is a shared concern, and the European Union wants to engage on energy security. However, the current system through which we trade our energy is not working. It was set up as part of the TCA, it is called something very complicated—multi-region loose volume coupling—and it has to be replaced by something a lot more ambitious than the current price coupling model That is particularly important if we want to draw in the vital private investment to realise the huge potential of the North sea for our shared clean power plan. Again, I urge the Government at least to look at how we are trading our energy. This would have big advantages not only for UK citizens but for EU citizens, and the EU is open to having such discussions. Another issue is, of course, the emissions trading scheme. Again, I do not expect the Government ultimately to follow a European model entirely, but we need to align as far as possible. Finally, it is obviously in our shared interest to protect and defend Europe. When we were talking about security co-operation, someone from the European side said, “Oh, we have to look at whether this needs a new legal framework.” I would say in response, “If the European Union is talking about new legal frameworks, that is probably not the pragmatic and realistic solution we are looking for.” However, I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Tunbridge Wells (Mike Martin) that unless we find ways to improve security procurement and to work together on the supply chains to ensure that our defence systems work together, including by determining where we produce things, the reset of our relationship will be just warm words. I urge the Government to move away from warm words—at the PPA, we all exchanged warm words about our new relationship—towards action and results. Otherwise, we will be talking about a reset for many decades. We need action from the Government now.

• 20 Mar 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  I add my condolences to the shadow Leader of the House. I agree that at a time when boys and young men are lacking role models, the memory of his father is a powerful example of why dads matter. King Edward’s school in Bath came third in the national reading champions quiz. I am sure the Leader of the House will join me in congratulating that school on its wonderful achievement, but reading for pleasure is now at an all-time low. Can we have a debate in Government time on how to improve reading proficiency among children of all ages?

• 20 Mar 2025 · Violence against Women and Girls: Prosecution Rates · Hansard source

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  Many victims are so traumatised after an assault that it takes them some time to come forward. That causes delays and allows perpetrators to erase their traces. What more can we do to encourage any victim of assault to come forward as quickly as possible, knowing that they will have support as soon as they report something?

• 20 Mar 2025 · Flood Defences: Hartlepool · Hansard source

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  Like people in Hartlepool, we in Bath recognise that the Conservative Government left our flood defences in a poor state, and we welcome the extra funding that the Bath flood defence scheme has received. However, we worry that it has come too late in a lot of cases. Is there a timeline for when my Bath constituents will actually see improvements?

• 19 Mar 2025 · Ethnic Minority People: Discrimination · Hansard source

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  As well as overt discrimination, there are many hidden ethnic disparities, particularly in healthcare. Mortality rates in maternity services are four times higher for black women and twice as high for Asian women. What discussions is the Minister having with the Department of Health and Social Care to address those huge inequalities in maternity care?

• 13 Mar 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  Rental income from social housing is currently 16% below inflation. Homes for the South West, which includes Curo in my constituency, is under a contractual obligation to do repairs while also building new homes under increasingly stretched grant funding systems. It makes doing both nigh impossible. May we have a debate on how we can protect our tenants to get the repairs they need, while also addressing the social housing crisis?

• 13 Mar 2025 · Regulatory Environment · Hansard source

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  Since leaving the European Union, we have been diverging progressively and passively —not making an active decision to diverge because it is good for us, but because we cannot keep up with the number of regulations coming through the European Union. That has been particularly disadvantageous for energy trading. What conversations has the Minister had with Government colleagues around aligning with the EU on emissions trading?

• 13 Mar 2025 · NHS England Update · Hansard source

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  I declare an interest as the vice-chair of the newly formed all-party parliamentary group on emergency care. A&E staffing across the country is dangerously low, especially at night, putting unacceptable pressure on staff, who warn persistently about the risks to patient safety. Hundreds of keen applicants are being turned away from emergency medicine training. Last year, there were 359 places for 2,718 applicants. Following this announcement, how quickly will emergency care and A&E departments see changes and have more permanent staff and consultancy places, but especially more training places?

• 11 Mar 2025 · Employment Rights Bill · Hansard source

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  The hon. Member is speaking powerfully. Does she agree that this amendment is being used by the Conservative party to condone something offensive and despicable, and that they are trying to defend the indefensible?

• 11 Mar 2025 · Employment Rights Bill · Hansard source

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  I rise to speak in support of new clause 74, which appears in the name of the right hon. Member for Sheffield Heeley (Louise Haigh). I pay tribute to her and to my hon. Friend the Member for Oxford West and Abingdon (Layla Moran) who have campaigned on these issues for a long time. New clause 74 seeks to ban non-disclosure agreements that prevent workers from making a disclosure about harassment, including sexual harassment—we have talked about sexual harassment in the workplace for the last four or five hours. NDAs were initially designed to protect trade secrets by restricting the sharing of certain information, but in recent times they have taken on an entirely different and quite sinister role. They have essentially become the default solution for organisations and individuals to settle cases of misconduct, discrimination and harassment, keeping the extent of such incidents unaccounted for. Incorporating clear provisions to ensure transparency in cases of harassment would strengthen protections for all workers. Data from Can’t Buy My Silence has revealed some deeply worrying statistics about the misuse of NDAs. In a survey of more than 1,000 people who experienced harassment and discrimination in the workplace, 25% reported being forced to sign an NDA, while an additional 11% stated that they could not say due to legal reasons, implying that they had also signed an NDA. Four times as many women as men sign NDAs, and they are used disproportionately against women of colour. In Committee, the Minister said that the Government had “reservations” about changing the law in this way, as there may be “unintended consequences”. I struggle to understand why the Government have committed to banning universities from using NDAs in cases of sexual misconduct, harassment and bullying but have not committed to extending those protections to other sectors. NDAs are clearly being used in a totally different way to what they were designed to achieve, and we must stop this before more victims are silenced. I heard the Minister say earlier that he is at least looking at what new clause 74 is trying to achieve. Despite my concerns about the misuse of NDAs, the Bill as a whole has many very positive provisions. Importantly, it finally legislates to protect workers from third-party harassment. I brought that forward in my original Bill that became the Worker Protection (Amendment of Equality Act 2010) Act 2023, which recently became law. However, it was blocked by amendments made to the Bill in Committee in the House of Lords by the Conservative party, so that such liability and protection from sexual harassment by third parties in the workplace was not created. We have already discussed that several times this afternoon. I am most pleased that the Government have committed to making workplaces safer through this protection, because that is what this is all about. Creating safer workplaces is good for everyone, including businesses, despite what the Conservative party says. A study by Culture Shift found that 66% of businesses believe that preventing sexual harassment is very important. I do not know what Conservative Members are talking about when they say that their inboxes are full; I have not seen a single email from a business writing to me to say that it is worried about protecting its own employees from third-party harassment. According to WorkNest, three quarters of employers are still concerned about protecting employees from harassment by third parties. Businesses are concerned that they cannot protect their workers from third-party harassment; they clearly want these protections to be included in the Bill. Too many people still suffer from third-party harassment at work. Amendment 288, which tries to remove those important provisions, is plain wrong. Employers have a duty to ensure the safety of their employees from not just other employees, but third parties who may interact with them in the workplace. That responsibility should be part of their broader commitment to workplace safety. If the Conservative party is truly committed to a world without harassment and sexual harassment in the workplace, why is it still condoning offensive language and behaviour as “banter” and “free speech”, rather than taking a step to support businesses and protect workers from sexual harassment in the workplace, as proposed in the Bill? I am grateful that the Government have ensured the completion of my Act as it was intended a year or two ago. Although I remain concerned about the misuse of NDAs, I welcome many of the provisions in the Bill. I will be proud to walk through the No Lobby when we come to vote on amendment 288, and I hope that all right-minded people will join me there.

• 11 Mar 2025 · Employment Rights Bill · Hansard source

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  It was of course my private Member’s Bill that the previous Government supported, but only partly, because third-party harassment was scrubbed out of the Bill; I am very pleased that the new Government are reintroducing that bit. The question is: why does the hon. Gentleman support the idea that employers should prevent sexual harassment in the workplace and demonstrate that they have taken all reasonable steps, but think that for third parties that impacts on freedom of speech? It does not make sense.

• 11 Mar 2025 · Employment Rights Bill · Hansard source

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  Since we were discussing this issue for the best part of the previous Parliament, can I ask the shadow Minister whether there is a misunderstanding about what this part of the Bill does? It is about a preventive duty, not predicting everything that could happen in the hospitality sector, for example. The guidance is to make sure that everybody knows that their workplace will protect people from harassment—that is what an employer needs to do. What is the problem with that?

• 11 Mar 2025 · Employment Rights Bill · Hansard source

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• 11 Mar 2025 · Employment Rights Bill · Hansard source

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  Will the shadow Minister give way?

• 10 Mar 2025 · Regional Improvement for Standards and Excellence Teams · Hansard source

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  The attainment gaps in the south-west are the largest in England, across the primary and secondary sectors. In the past, local authorities have played a big role in improving education. What plans do the Government have for local authorities to be involved in closing that attainment gap?

• 6 Mar 2025 · Democratic Processes: Foreign Interference · Hansard source

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  As well as addressing foreign interference, will the Minister update us on how we can protect our own election infrastructure to safeguard against misinformation, voter suppression and cyber-attacks?