Susan Murray MP: speeches

Speeches

• 25 Jun 2026 · Neuropsychiatric Conditions: PANS and PANDAS · Hansard source

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  I am grateful to my hon. Friend the Member for North East Fife (Wendy Chamberlain) for securing this debate, and for all her work to raise the profile of these childhood conditions. I also thank the Backbench Business Committee for selecting this topic for debate. As she said, my hon. Friend first raised PANS/PANDAS in this House more than three years ago and has pushed for change ever since. Indeed, I was pleased to meet the impressive PANS PANDAS UK youth board on their visit to Parliament. For families, the onset of PANS/PANDAS is often sudden and deeply distressing. A child who was well one week can, the next, be gripped by anxiety, tics or obsessive behaviours. What follows is too often not treatment, but a search from GP to specialist and back again for someone who can provide a diagnosis. Almost three years ago, my hon. Friend asked the Government for a small number of reasonable things. I am sorry to say that families still have not seen the change that they are entitled to expect, but I hope that what we heard earlier means that it will be coming soon. The Department of Health and Social Care has said that it does not hold data on how many children are affected, and NICE has not yet produced guidance, after concluding there was insufficient evidence to produce useful guidance. Clinicians are still left without a clear national pathway to follow, even if they are aware of the conditions. The result, as we have heard, is a postcode lottery. A survey for PANS PANDAS UK found that just 2% of families said their GP even considered PANS/PANDAS as a possibility for their child’s symptoms. Families who can pay go private to see specialists; children whose families cannot pay, lose their childhood, miss school and fail to thrive. Such delays are not administrative inconveniences; they are a risk to children’s lives. According to PANS PANDAS UK, 43% of parents say that their child has talked about taking their own life, and 61% say that their child has expressed a desire to no longer be here. These are young children, made desperately unwell by a treatable condition, yet they are waiting months or years for someone simply to recognise what is wrong. There are two mothers in the Gallery today, one from my constituency of Mid Dunbartonshire, and one from just next door. Both have been forced to spend significant sums of their own money on diagnoses and treatment, including travelling down to London to see specialists in private clinics. As we have heard, that is not unusual. Nearly a third of affected families report a financial impact of more than £50,000, and one in eight report an impact of more than £100,000, simply to get their child diagnosed and treated. We have a system in which a recognised diagnosis is reserved for those who can afford to pay for it, and those who cannot are often left behind. Two weeks ago, my Liberal Democrat colleague Adam Harley MSP, who represents many of the same families that I do, raised one of the cases with the First Minister in the Scottish Parliament and called for properly recognised NHS guidance. Health is a devolved matter, but families across Scotland face the same barriers as families anywhere else in the UK, and they frequently end up in England to access treatment. Has the Minister had any discussions with the Scottish Government on taking a unified approach to tackling the issue? Given that we are expecting clinical guidance to be released in August, I am sure that families in Scotland would greatly appreciate co-operation between the Governments in Holyrood and Westminster to help bring the postcode lottery they currently face to an end. PANS/PANDAS are treatable conditions, and children can get their childhood back. To make that happen, I urge the Government to help plug the current gaps in evidence and knowledge around these conditions, including the number of children affected, through supporting research. The Liberal Democrats have called for an increase in research and development spending to 3.5% of GDP to help drive British research, to develop a greater understanding of conditions like PANS/PANDAS, and to evidence the efficacy of available treatment. An effective treatment can change a child’s life—children like Isa and Hugo—for as little as £9. Effective diagnosis and treatment will save the NHS money. Our NHS was founded on the idea that it would treat according to need, not ability to pay. Sadly, in the case of children with PANS/PANDAS, too often that principle is not being upheld. Families simply trying to find treatment for their children are being failed and we must rectify that, wherever in the UK they live.

• 24 Jun 2026 · Elections: First Past the Post · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to speak under your chairship, Mr Turner. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Richmond Park (Sarah Olney) for securing this debate. The House of Commons Library has called the 2024 general election the least proportional election in British history. Labour won 411 seats out of 650—almost two thirds of the Commons—on a third of the vote. The problem is not that a party can win power; the problem is that first past the post inflates that power beyond what the public voted for. A system that turns one third of the votes into two thirds of the power and a massive majority is not representing the public’s choice; it is warping it. As we have all seen, it allows wildly unpopular policies to be forced through with little pushback. I may not agree with Reform, but they came third on vote share with around 14% and won just five seats. The Greens won roughly 7% and returned only four seats. The truth is that my own party, the Liberal Democrats, took 72 seats on around 12% of the vote. The system rewarded us where our support was concentrated. That means that under first past the post, where you live decides whether or not your vote counts. We have all been told that this gives us a strong and stable Government. Clearly, that is not true. A system that hands enormous power to one party on a minority of the vote does not produce consistency; it produces lurches. One Government builds solutions; the next tears them down and creates their own. I represent the Scottish seat of Mid Dunbartonshire. Scotland shows both how far reform can take us and why it must go further. The Scottish Parliament has used a form of proportional representation since its creation in 1999. Of its 129 Members, 73 are elected to represent 73 constituencies and 56 from regional lists using the D’Hondt system. That is a complicated system of proportional representation that very few voters fully understand. Last month at the Scottish elections, the SNP won 58 seats and was the party with the highest number of seats. Following a deal with the Scottish Green party, which had 15 seats, the Scottish Government are calling for the UK Government to agree to a second independence referendum. However, taken together, pro-independence parties now hold 73 of the 129 seats on around 43% of the vote.

• 24 Jun 2026 · Elections: First Past the Post · Hansard source

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  What we need to aim for is a system where our constituents feel properly represented and that their vote counts. The parties that want Scotland to remain in the United Kingdom won a majority of the votes at 56.7%, but a minority of the seats. As a litmus test, that result shows little change from the result of the 2014 independence referendum, which rejected independence by 55% to 44%. The votes cast in the 2026 Scottish election are not a mandate for a second independence referendum, despite what the First Minister might have us believe. That clearly demonstrates why it is so important that our democracy reflects voter intention. Instead, the case for independence has been thrust back to the centre of Scottish politics, taking attention away from the real issues such as our broken schools and hospitals. In 2022, Labour’s own conference voted for a proportional system. Its own national policy forum has recognised that the flaws in the current voting system contribute to the distrust and alienation that we see in politics, and it is widely acknowledged that we need to restore trust in politics. I ask the Government, at the very least, to agree to examine the system seriously, including how we elect Members and how a fairer system could be introduced. People should be able to use their vote to vote for something, not against something. Evey vote should carry the same weight, wherever it is cast and whoever it is cast for, and the only way we can achieve that is proportional representation.

• 11 Jun 2026 · Legacy of Jo Cox · Hansard source

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  My goodness, how do you follow that? I thank our friend the hon. Member for Spen Valley (Kim Leadbeater) for that wonderful tribute to her sister. I am grateful to speak in this debate and to have the opportunity to honour the work and legacy of Jo Cox. Jo served in the House before my time here began, but I want to speak in the debate because of the way she approached politics, always understanding that we have more in common than divides us. In preparing for the debate, I looked not just at how Jo is remembered but the work she did. What stands out is a woman who did politics that was practical, human and rooted in the lives of people who too often went unheard. In her work on Syria, when she pressed the House to look clearly at the reality facing civilians and to recognise that sympathy was not enough, she said: “It is now time for us to listen and to act.” —[ Official Report , 12 October 2015; Vol. 600, c. 140.] That, for me, is the heart of Jo’s legacy: not just compassion, but compassion turned into action. That is the message we need to reflect on today. Too often, we see how easy it is to create anger or mistrust—to develop rhetoric to tear things down. We see that today in those stoking racial hatred and religious division. It is much harder to make real positive change, but that is exactly what Jo did. The Jo Cox Foundation has carried that work on, and the Great Get Together is a fantastic example of that. It is not complicated and it does not ask people to agree on everything; it simply asks people to come together to share food, to talk, to meet neighbours and to remember that community works in all its diversity. We see that in our own constituencies, too. I invite Members to Sked’s Garden on 21 June, where we are having a massive barefoot ceilidh as a free event, which everyone is invited to. In Mid Dunbartonshire I see other groups, such as the Men’s Shed, Apna Ghar, the Hive, GRACE—Group Recovery Aftercare Community Enterprise—and Gavin’s Mill, everything from heritage groups to community development trusts, offering people a safe and welcoming place to rebuild lives, reduce social isolation and promote wellbeing at home and internationally. My own life took an unexpected turn when I became a full-time carer, and I experienced how important the support of community is. Jo understood that loneliness is not a side issue; it is something that can quietly shrink a person’s life. It affects old people, younger people, carers, bereaved families, and many people who would never say out loud that they are lonely. Her work helped Parliament to take that seriously, and we should keep taking it seriously. We all have lessons to learn from Jo’s example. We can disagree strongly, and at times maybe we should, but we cannot treat each other as enemies because of our differing views. We must look for common ground to build solutions on. The best tribute we can pay is not just to remember her, but to continue the work she left for us: to encourage more women to choose to enter politics, to choose to listen, act and build community, and to choose to make our politics a little braver and a little kinder.

• 18 May 2026 · Backing Business to Create Economic Growth · Hansard source

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  In 1603, Britain saw the Union of the Crowns. That moment began a journey that would lead to the Acts of Union and the growth of not only our modern democracy but the most powerful economic and industrial force that the world has ever seen. This story was not written by one nation alone; it was a political union of nations enabled by the sharing of skills and resources from every corner of these islands to build something far bigger than anything that could have been achieved individually, with each nation bringing its strengths and each nation benefiting from the strengths of the others. The benefits of the Union are clear and the ties run deep, but if we are to make that case properly, we must be honest about what has gone wrong. As a Scottish Member of Parliament, I speak to too many business owners in Scotland who do not feel supported—too many who feel squeezed, taxed and ignored. Both their Governments have made poor choices. In Holyrood, the Scottish National party has chosen campaigning for independence over economic delivery. It has pulled funding from specialist technical facilities that could have created hundreds of jobs, and refused to back new nuclear, despite Scotland’s engineering heritage and energy expertise. After 20 years of SNP government in Scotland, businesses do not need another referendum. They need stability for investment and growth. In Westminster, Labour’s jobs tax has made it more expensive to employ people and more expensive for firms to expand. Higher running costs mean higher prices for working people, and fewer job opportunities for part-time workers and for young people, at a time when the level of youth unemployment is nearly 16%. Inheritance tax changes have introduced a survival risk for family businesses in the UK, opening them up to hostile takeovers. Businesses need Labour to acknowledge that more than 80% of jobs are in the private sector, in small and medium-sized enterprises, and that increasing taxes on those jobs is not a recipe for growth but, all too often, the death knell for local jobs. In Scotland, recent elections should have been a clear sign for both Labour and the SNP. Only 14% of Scots said that independence was one of the most important issues facing the country, while 63% said that the cost of living was one of the top issues deciding their vote. As a result, 56% of Scottish votes went to unionist parties, a clear sign that people want stability and not another referendum. The English council elections told a similar story of voters looking beyond old two-party habits and desperate for change. It is clear that our current voting system in Westminster is part of the problem. Too often, seats in Parliament do not reflect what people voted for. A fairer, proportional voting system, which Liberal Democrats want to see, would make politicians listen more and would encourage collaboration. It would mean fewer sudden swings from one extreme to another, and a steadier environment for businesses to invest and grow. Although this House may be the mother of Parliaments, that does not mean that it cannot change with the times. Britain has so much potential, and we must be ambitious. Too often we have been too timid, too bureaucratic and too concerned with political differences. I urge everyone here today—everyone who is left—to come together and push for what is best for people in every corner of the UK. While we may need compromise to find agreement, it is the job of every Member of this House to ensure that the UK is at the forefront of change that benefits all our constituents and celebrates our diversity and tolerance.

• 16 Apr 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  I want to continue to highlight the importance of local railways—an issue that has already been raised by the hon. Member for Bathgate and Linlithgow (Kirsteen Sullivan). This year is the 200th anniversary of Scotland’s first modern railway, the Monkland and Kirkintilloch line. It opened in 1826, just months after Stockton and Darlington became the first passenger railway in the world to use steam trains, and it is the first railway in Scotland to be authorised by Act of Parliament to use steam trains for both passengers and goods. The community in my constituency is celebrating with exhibitions, talks and a guided walk in Whitegates Park, which is named after the level crossing where the line approached the Forth and Clyde canal, delivering Monkland coal to barges destined for Edinburgh. Will the Leader of the House join me in congratulating Don Martin, an eminent local historian who has researched and championed the heritage of the line for decades, and will he consider coming north—

• 5 Mar 2026 · Civil Service Pensions Recovery Plan · Hansard source

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  11. What estimate he has made of the cost of the civil service pensions recovery plan.

• 5 Mar 2026 · Civil Service Pensions Recovery Plan · Hansard source

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  On 23 February, the Cabinet Office confirmed that hardship loans would not be available to dependants or surviving spouses of civil service pension scheme members. That left one of my constituents alone, with two children and just one income after sadly losing their partner. Can the Minister explain how much it would have cost to provide support to dependants? Can he tell me how many people have been left without support as a result of this decision?

• 4 Mar 2026 · Energy Security and Net Zero: Scotland · Hansard source

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  I absolutely agree: the vision is there, but we take too long to make decisions. When that happens, our workforce make their own decisions, and businesses do not come that might have considered coming. We have to support the opportunity that is available to us. We must look seriously at how we encourage companies to build the components of the green revolution here. We have the skills and a history of great steelworks and dockyards. Those can be revitalised, and our communities alongside them. However, building at home extends further than just good practice: it reduces risk to supply and security. The National Cyber Security Centre publishes dedicated supply chain security principles to help organisations manage supply chain risk. That is the mindset we need for critical national infrastructure, and we have seen why it matters. UK authorities have been looking into reported cyber-security concerns linked to remote-access features in some electric buses imported from China—the same place that much of our green technology comes from. This is not about sensationalising or point scoring: if supplier risks matter for buses, they certainly matter for the systems that keep the lights on and our countries running. Will the Minister use the industrial strategy to set out clear UK content and supply chain commitments, to ensure that demand for grid and energy production components is not only met in a timely manner but protected from foreign interference? I finish by returning to the household reality, because net zero will not be delivered by megawatts alone; it will be delivered in homes and communities, and it must be made simple, safe and scalable. The Climate Change Committee’s progress report found a 56% increase in heat pump installations in 2024, driven by increased support from Government schemes, but it is clear that scaling remains the challenge. Households respond to a simple proposition: reliable installers, clear standards, stable support and aftercare. That too should be treated as part of the mission to build a UK production base. A national retrofit and heat pump supply chain would create skilled work in every community. Will Ministers treat heat pumps and retrofits as part of the same mission, supporting an installer pipeline, quality assurance, consumer protection and an end-to-end journey from advice, to finance, to installation, to aftercare? Scotland is delivering Britain’s energy security and clean power. Now the Government must deliver for Scotland, with fairness, jobs and infrastructure that turn Scotland’s contribution into lower bills and better energy security for everyone.

• 12 Feb 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  Retired civil servants in my constituency and across the UK are being offered interest-free loans after serious delays to pension payments following the transfer of their pension scheme administration to Capita in December 2025. Will the Leader of the House grant time for a debate on the administration of the civil service pension scheme, including the impact of the McCloud judgment and the current backlog?

• 9 Feb 2026 · Russian Influence on UK Politics and Democracy · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Pritchard. I thank the hon. Member for South Norfolk (Ben Goldsborough) for his well-informed opening speech, and congratulate the petitioners on bringing this important issue to the House. Russian interference is happening today. It is a deliberate strategy to weaken our society, undermine trust and turn democratic politics into a marketplace. Russia does not need to win an election to damage a country. It needs only to convince people that nothing is true, that everyone is bought and that participation is pointless. We know the tools and tactics: disinformation, cyber-attacks, intimidation and crucially—as we have been hearing—money. We have seen the use of money, in the clearest possible terms, used to buy the influence of British politicians. As we have heard, Reform’s former leader in Wales has been jailed for taking bribes to make statements that advanced pro-Russian narratives while he was an MEP—a violation not only of his position, but of the trust of those who elected him. In that context, and with the victims in mind, the latest revelations about Jeffrey Epstein must be taken seriously. Poland has opened an inquiry into possible links between Epstein and Russian intelligence, and newly released files set out the extent of his ties to Kremlin-linked figures. Those links being proven would underline a brutal reality: hostile states do not just target institutions; they exploit compromised individuals and networks that reach right to the top. I am therefore calling for three clear steps. First, the public deserve a public inquiry into the Mandelson affair—the vetting failures, the access and any national security implications—so that they can have confidence that the full facts are established and accountability is delivered. The Prime Minister has himself said he was misled. If the lies of Mandelson lead back to the Kremlin through Epstein, the public deserve to know. Secondly, we must rebuild tighter co-operation with our European allies on intelligence, sanctions enforcement and counter-disinformation.

• 9 Feb 2026 · Russian Influence on UK Politics and Democracy · Hansard source

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  I agree with the hon. Member. We need to investigate the circumstances fully and, if it proves necessary, reconsider any decisions that have been taken. Russian interference is a shared threat, and we are weaker when we act alone. We must shut the loopholes in election law that let Russian money buy access in British politics. Nathan Gill took bribes to push pro-Russian lines—proof that cash for influence is real. On top of that, the Conservatives have taken millions from donors with ties to Russia. Lubov Chernukhin alone donated more than £2 million. We need transparent donations in British politics. If the money cannot be traced or appears to be buying influence, it has no place in our political system. Given the seriousness of the situation, I strongly urge the Government to consider these proposals and to make every effort to cut out the cancer that is Russian interference in our politics.

• 5 Feb 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  On 11 September last year, I stood in this House to request time for a debate on the Nolan principles of selflessness, integrity, objectivity, accountability, openness, honesty and leadership. In the light of the serious concern arising from the release of the Epstein files, the links to the retired Lord Mandelson and the current Government’s knowledge of those links, I am once again here to ask the Leader of the House to grant time for such a debate. This is necessary not only to restore public trust, but to make clear the standards of conduct that every Member should adhere to.

• 11 Dec 2025 · St Andrew’s Day and Scottish Affairs · Hansard source

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  It is an honour to speak today at my first St Andrew’s day and Scottish affairs debate as the Liberal Democrats spokes- person for Scotland. I congratulate the hon. Member for Dunfermline and Dollar (Graeme Downie) on securing the debate. St Andrew’s day, as we have been hearing, is a moment to reflect on the story of Scotland. We remember St Andrew not only as our patron saint, but as a symbol of solidarity and welcome, a fisherman whose cross now flies above a country built on resilience, hard work, learning and connection. Across the centuries, Scots have made their mark on the world. From the enlightenment thinkers who reshaped modern science and democracy to the coal- miners, foundries, engineers and shipbuilders who powered the industrial revolution, and, of course, the distillers, fishermen and farmers who are known across the world for their specialties in food and drink, Scotland shows again and again how a small nation makes a big contribution. The story of my own constituency of Mid Dunbartonshire sits right at the heart of the national story. Along the line of the Antonine Wall, now a UNESCO world heritage site, Roman soldiers once stood to watch the northern edge of an empire. Later, figures such as Thomas Muir of Huntershill, the father of Scottish democracy, carried the banner of political reform and democratic rights from our own communities to the wider world. The arrival of the Forth and Clyde canal turned Kirkintilloch and Bishopbriggs into hubs of industry and transport, carrying coal, iron and goods from west to east. As time has moved on, Mid Dunbartonshire has changed. Heavy industry has given way to new businesses and growing communities. Milngavie is the starting point of the West Highland Way, welcoming walkers from across the world. Mid Dunbartonshire is home to residents who value being part of our diverse communities and the green space of the Campsie fells. In this journey we see the history of Scotland: resilience in the face of change, pride in community, and a belief that education and hard work can open doors, not just for yourself but for the community around you. It is precisely because we are so proud of that history that we must be honest about the present. We know the people of Scotland have been let down in recent years, with mismanaged finances, abandoned healthcare projects and falling educational standards. Scotland is truly an incredible place, and I am proud to be Scottish, but right now it feels too often that things are not working. Household bills are soaring. Families are cutting back on heating, food and the small treats that make life bearable, just to keep up with rising costs. Long waits to see a GP are now all too common. People are in pain or struggling with their mental health. They are told to wait weeks, if not months, for treatment. We see enormous sums of money frittered away. Take the ferries fiasco: a saga of delay, overspend and broken promises has left island communities feeling abandoned. Sadly, when the Government fail to deliver infrastructure, ordinary people and local businesses pay the price. The story is the same with Scottish education. Once the best in the UK, our system has slipped in international rankings. Teachers work hard, yet promises are broken. They are asked to do more with less, while support for pupils with additional needs is stretched even thinner. People are tired and frustrated, and they are right to be. The Liberal Democrats believe that Scotland deserves better. We believe in fairness for everyone, no matter who they are or where they come from. That is why we have a realistic plan to get things done. We should have a health service that is genuinely there for people when they need it—first-rate care so that people can see their GP, dentist or mental health professional without waiting weeks or months. Health professionals should have fair pay and working conditions, so that talented people stay in our NHS instead of burning out or leaving altogether. That also means that Milngavie needs a new health and care centre, which is badly overdue. We need to tackle the cost of living at its root. In a country that has as much renewable energy as Scotland, it is simply wrong that people are living in fuel poverty. By insulating cold homes, backing community energy projects and making full use of Scottish renewable energy, we can drive down household bills and bills for industry, cut emissions and create good, green jobs in every part of the country. That is tied directly to transport. By fixing our ferries, roads and rail services, we can create an integrated transport network to get Scotland moving again. Rather than cutting services, we need to look at how to expand public transport. Importantly, we need to look at how we can power it with home-grown renewable energy and connect our island communities to give them a sustainable future. Scotland’s past success was built on education, and at the heart of a fairer Scotland lie our schools, colleges and universities. Returning Scottish education to its best means expanding pupil support in every school and giving every child the best start in life. It means more classroom assistants, specialist support for additional needs, and a renewed focus on literacy, numeracy and science. It means providing enough places for Scottish students in our world-class universities, and enough further education to fill our skills gaps, offering a future to young people who do not currently feel that they can look forward to a brighter future. Above all, it means backing our teaching professionals with the resources they need and recognising that education is an investment in Scotland’s future. St Andrew’s day reminds us that Scotland’s story has always been one of connection between the past and the future, and between our own communities and the wider world. Scottish people and their descendants are found all over the world, as are the red telephone boxes, which were manufactured in my consistency, that are all over London and all over the world. The choices that we make now will decide whether the next chapter of our story is one of decline and managed disappointment, or of renewal built on fairness and opportunity. Scotland deserves better. I want us to honour Scotland’s history and the history of places such as Mid Dunbartonshire by matching the ambition, courage and sense of justice shown by those who went before us.

• 13 Oct 2025 · Baby Loss · Hansard source

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  I thank the right hon. and hon. Members who secured the debate, as well as those who have shared their story. Every Member here agrees that the tragedy of losing a child is one of the greatest anyone can face, yet sadly it is all too common an experience; nearly half the population has either experienced the loss of a baby or knows someone who has. It is with that deeply saddening thought in mind that I want to pay tribute to the tireless campaigning of Louise Caldwell in Scotland. After her experience of loss, she has influenced the Scottish Government’s strategy on baby loss. She has also succeeded in getting two baby loss units opened—at Wishaw hospital, in the constituency of the hon. Member for Motherwell, Wishaw and Carluke (Pamela Nash), and at Gilbert Bain hospital, with the support of my right hon. Friend the Member for Orkney and Shetland (Mr Carmichael) and our Liberal Democrat colleague Beatrice Wishart MSP. Those dedicated facilities allow mothers, fathers and families to grieve the loss of their baby in the most dignified and compassionate environment we can provide. I realise that this is a devolved matter, but I am sure that everyone in the Chamber understands the need for baby loss units and, along with them, compassionate labour rooms, away from the sounds of happier arrivals, for those all over the UK who experience delivering a sleeping angel. While dedicated spaces are essential, we must also look at prevention. I find it deeply concerning that we continue to see repeated failings in maternity services. The Ockenden report on Shrewsbury and Telford, and the East Kent inquiry, highlighted systemic issues, including inadequate equipment, crumbling maternity wards, weak incident management and slow triage of urgent cases. Furthermore, it is unacceptable that when my hon. Friend the Member for North Shropshire (Helen Morgan) asked the Department about progress regarding implementing the recommendations of the report, the answer implied not only that Ministers could not confirm delivery but that they had no mechanism to measure any progress made. That is simply not good enough, as the hon. Member for Rossendale and Darwen (Andy MacNae) highlighted. We need a national strategy that extends across all four nations, with clear baselines to ensure that mothers and babies receive the care they need and deserve. We need clear and transparent measures to ensure that standards are being met and to identify when they are not, because ultimately this is about protecting women and babies.

• 16 Sept 2025 · Religious Crematoriums · Hansard source

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  I completely agree with that principle, but our systems are not always designed with it in mind. Delays in death certification, the coronial process and registration services frequently mean that families are unable to bury their loved ones within the required timescale. Some local authorities have taken steps to improve responsiveness by offering out-of-hours registration services. Those efforts show that, with the right planning and partnership, it is possible to respect religious obligations around timely burial, but provision remains patchy across the country and too often families are left facing painful delays at a time of grief. In 21st-century Britain, it is not unreasonable to ask that every family should be confident that their loved one can be buried according to their faith. I understand that it is important to recognise the devolved aspect of this matter. In Scotland, the Burial and Cremation (Scotland) Act 2016 provides a modern legislative framework with greater recognition of religious needs. In Wales and Northern Ireland, responsibility also lies with the devolved Administrations, but in England the responsibility rests with the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government. At UK level, Parliament remains responsible for equalities law and for setting the broader standards of fairness and human rights that underpin our system. That means the Government cannot simply say that crematoriums are a local issue. There is a role for national leadership. All communities across the UK are entitled to expect that their needs will not be ignored because they are in a local minority. Minimum standards, guidance and funding support are all tools available to the Government to ensure fairness across the country. Constituents and communities have raised this issue for many years. Hindu and Sikh organisations have petitioned successive Governments to highlight the lack of appropriate crematoriums. Muslim representatives have repeatedly drawn attention to the difficulties caused by delays in burial, which has also been highlighted by Jewish representatives. Behind every one of those campaigns is a grieving family—real people facing unnecessary distress because our systems are not flexible enough to accommodate their faith. The basic concept is simple: public services must reflect the diversity of the people they serve. That is not a question of favouring one group over another, but of recognising that equality sometimes requires accommodation. A one-size-fits-all approach, designed for the majority, inevitably excludes minorities, and that is not good enough in modern Britain. I therefore ask the Minister to commit to three steps. The first is to review the provision of religiously appropriate crematoriums across Britain, to identify gaps and to work with local authorities to close them. The second is to work with the relevant authorities to ensure that coroner and registration services are able to respond to the urgent burial needs of certain faiths with clear national guidance. The third step is to ensure that the equality duty is properly considered in all planning and funding decisions relating to crematoriums and burial services, so that minority communities are not excluded. How we treat people at the end of life reflects who we are as a society. A society that truly respects diversity and equality is one that values every community, however small, and ensures that they can say farewell to their loved ones in accordance with their beliefs. Families in grief should not face barriers, compromises or indignities. They should find public services that meet them with understanding, respect and compassion.