Sarah Olney MP: speeches

Speeches

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Lady for her intervention, although I am not sure what she means by the first album. We are talking about a comprehensive agreement. The EU has already indicated that it would be willing to discuss, and of course we should not enter agreements that are not to our advantage. As the Government know, a youth mobility scheme would not lead to a return to freedom of movement. After all, under the terms of the existing scheme, youth mobility visas are limited in duration and the number of eligible young people is capped. Delivering such a scheme would provide a return on investment in the form of soft power, which was never seemingly factored into the approach of the previous Conservative Government. The scheme that the Liberal Democrats propose is familiar and tried and tested; it allows those aged 18 to 30 to live, work and study in the countries involved for a set period. The advantages of a youth mobility scheme go far beyond the extension to a new generation of young people of the opportunities that many of us took for granted in our own youth. The wholly inadequate deal with the EU negotiated by the previous Conservative Government has done enormous damage to British businesses. We have seen soaring import costs, increased workforce shortages and reams of red tape, which have created huge barriers to growth. Exports by small businesses have dropped by 30%, and 20,000 small firms across the UK have stopped all exports to the EU. The UK faces acute labour shortages in sectors such as hospitality, the arts, entertainment and retail—exactly the kinds of jobs that young people visiting the UK for a few years might take on.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Youth Mobility Scheme: EU · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend is absolutely right. There are so many vacancies across our hospitality and tourism sectors, and a youth mobility scheme could be instrumental in helping us to fill them.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Can you give me an example of one of your reservations? Baroness Falkner: Yes. For example, you have just been discussing capacity, and capacity is a very serious consideration in our concern. You have been discussing coercion as well. There is evidence—coming back to the UN report I mentioned a few minutes ago—that the special rapporteurs on persons with disability and on human rights were very concerned. As Lord Sumption has said, when we have unclear law, it is very hard to understand the extent to which—when it comes to the definition of terminally ill, of coercion, of capacity—judges should have exemptions on, for example, conscientious grounds. There is a whole host of other areas: regulations, for example. I think the Bill calls for regulations to be laid within five years—an assessment of the measures of the Act to be laid within five years. We wonder why the Government cannot even now, as the Bill is going through, do an impact assessment and a human rights conformity assessment to draw out all those concerns in a more effective manner. It is not too late for the Government to do that. We would suggest that consideration be given by the whole of Government to doing an assessment of those human rights implications, working to cover this Bill as they would cover a Bill that they had proposed themselves. We are not entirely clear that a private Member’s Bill is a suitable vehicle for this issue, to be entirely honest. I may not be well informed enough, but I cannot remember a private Member’s Bill of such import going through since, perhaps, David Steel’s Abortion Act 1967. There may be other instances of a Bill of that import, but they do not come to mind right now. We look at the import of the Bill and at the fact that it has not been, sui generis, designed for England and Wales; it borrows quite a lot from other jurisdictions, although the number of jurisdictions that have passed similar laws is still relatively limited. Were this a Government Bill or a Government-sponsored bill, even at this late stage, it could have a whole of Government approach to looking at the different aspects that are engaged: disability rights; older people’s rights; the fact that ethnic minorities have very differential attitudes to some of these things; cultural rights. That would be a better place for Parliament to engage with this profoundly important issue—on which, I should add, we are neutral, in the sense that we can point to the practical problems with the Bill, but we do not take a position on whether the Bill is right or wrong in what it is advocating. We are coming to it more from a process and improvement point of view. Fazilet Hadi: Could I just add to that?

• 29 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Professor House, concerns have been expressed in written evidence that an assisted dying Bill of this sort is incompatible with wider policy around reducing suicide or suicide prevention measures. Do you think that it is possible to implement effective policies to reduce suicide rates, while having an assisted dying Bill at the same time? Professor House: It is a challenging question, isn’t it? A lot of it is based on interpretation of far-from-definitive evidence. A starter would be to observe that we would have to change our national suicide prevention strategy, because at the moment it includes identifying suicidal thoughts in people with severe physical illness as something that merits intervention, and the intervention is not an intervention to help people proceed to suicide. So the answer to your question, to some extent, is “Yes, it is going to change our approach to suicide prevention.” The wider question is whether it will change both the medical approach and society’s approach to suicide prevention in general if we start saying, “We don’t like suicide and we want to do something about it, except in some groups of people.” You may know that Professor Louis Appleby in Manchester, who leads the national confidential inquiry into suicide, is concerned about that. The best I can say on the international evidence is that there is no evidence that introducing this sort of legislation reduces what we might call unassisted suicides.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q There is no evidence that it reduces it, so it continues at the same rate: it does not increase, and it does not reduce. Is that what you are saying? Professor House: Well, it increases, but there are so many factors. I will give you one example. Oregon has been widely cited as a model for this sort of thing, although people have been a bit more uncertain in recent times. At the time that Lord Falconer introduced his Bill in the Lords in 2014, Oregon was cited as a place where levels had stayed much the same—not of suicide, but of people receiving assisted dying. In the decade since then, the number of people going through the assisted dying programme has gone up 500%, and the number of suicides has gone up 20%.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Baroness Falkner, do you consider that in its current form the Bill upholds the rights of all the different groups whose rights are protected under the Equality Act 2010? Baroness Falkner: Several human rights are engaged in the Bill: article 2 has been discussed; article 3 relates to inhumane and degrading treatment; article 8 is the right to privacy; article 9 is about freedom of thought, conscience and religion; and of course there is article 14, which has been discussed. They are all engaged at different levels of the Bill, and they are important and serious considerations. We are not clear, at this point in time, that the reservations we have about them can be resolved without further changes to the Bill.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Dr Griffiths, do you think it is possible that disabled people are likely to be or potentially more at risk of being coerced or otherwise persuaded to seek assisted dying as a result of the Bill? Dr Griffiths: I think so—I think the coercion principles outlined in the Bill are incredibly weak in terms of the scrutinising and the process of how you judge whether coercion has taken place. We know that coercion is a complex issue, but put that against the context of disabled people’s lives; we are talking about disabled people who are struggling day to day to access sufficient support and to live in participatory, accessible societies. The feeling, then, of societal coercion—the feeling that this is a tolerable idea—highlights my concerns about coercion. It also plays into the issue of support and assistance to understand what your rights are, not just in terms of what we are talking about here but broader disabled people’s rights. There is a lack of advocacy services available to disabled people, and there is a lack of support for disabled people to have accessible information about their rights. If you feel that assisted dying is your only choice—as opposed to accessing support or calling out discriminatory practices in, say, access to social care and healthcare—that highlights, again, situations where coercion will manifest. The infrastructure to support people either to respond to coercion, or to understand that they do not have to be in that position in the first place, is non-existent.

• 29 Jan 2025 · Growing the UK Economy · Hansard source

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  In November 2020, when giving evidence to the Treasury Committee, the head of the Office for Budget Responsibility, Richard Hughes, stated that further investment in infrastructure such as extending airport capacity would not deliver high economic returns as the UK is already highly connected. Without a proposal on the table for Heathrow, how can the Chancellor be so sure that a third runway will drive high national economic growth?

• 28 Jan 2025 · Airport Expansion · Hansard source

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  The economic benefits of the expansion of London airports remain unproven. On Heathrow, the Department for Transport’s updated appraisal report shows that the net present value of a third runway ranges from just £3.3 billion to minus £2.2 billion, while Heathrow’s finances are of severe concern, due to the significant debt that it has incurred. What new economic analysis have the Government considered that makes a third runway at Heathrow viable when considered alongside their commitments on climate, noise and air quality?

• 28 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Leading on from Dr Opher’s question about the “must refer” clause, you and Professor Whitty both stress the importance of the relationship between the doctor and the patient, yet there may be doctors who feel very strongly against mentioning assisted dying. Given the existence of clause 4(5) and the “must refer”, do you think there is a danger that there might be doctors who would be reluctant to provide a prognosis of six months or less if they thought that that would make the patient eligible for assisted dying, and that simply was not something they could support? Dr Green: That is why it is important that doctors should be able to opt out at any stage of this. There are doctors who would find it difficult to do that, and it is important that their position is respected.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Can you talk a little bit more about whether you perceive any difficulties in having a definition of terminal illness in the Act? How do you think the medical profession will interpret that? Professor Whitty: At the extremes —most people are at the extremes—it is very clear what is going to happen. For most people, you can say with confidence, barring some extraordinary accident like being hit by a car on the way out, “You’ll be fine in a year, even though you have heart disease, cancer or whatever.” At the other extreme, there are people who are clearly dying and will die in the next two or three days, and virtually nothing will change that reality. What we are talking about in the Bill, of course, is a point between those stages, but people will definitely reach a point where there will be an inexorable and, importantly for the Bill, unreversible slide towards a point of death. People can make a reasonable central view, if they are experienced in a particular disease, about when the death is likely to happen, accepting that there is a spread around that. I am sure that the general public and Members of Parliament fully accept that this is not a precise science. This is a central view, and there is a big academic literature around this. Some people will die significantly earlier than they are predicted to; a small number will die very significantly later; and some people will certainly die a bit later or to some degree later. The central view is usually reasonably accurate—that someone is now on a pathway from which there is not going to be a return.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Professor Whitty, the definition of “terminal illness” is attracting some attention. Some people say it is difficult to define a terminal illness. Would it improve the Bill if we had a specified list of illnesses that would apply? Is it possible to come up with a list of illnesses that are terminal that would qualify under the legislation? Professor Whitty: If I am honest, I think it would be extremely difficult. If I may, I will explain why, because it is a really important question. Let us take cancer. For the great majority of people with the majority of cancers that are diagnosed tomorrow, the doctor who is seeing them will say, in all confidence, “You have cancer and I expect you to be alive not just next Christmas, but for many years to come.” The fact that they have cancer is not in itself a demonstration that they are going to die. In fact, the majority will not. Almost 80% of people with breast cancer diagnosed tomorrow will still be alive 10 years later, for example. Equally, there are people who may not have a single disease that is going to lead to the path to death, but they have multiple diseases interacting, so they are highly frail; it is therefore not the one disease that is the cause, but the constellation that is clearly leading them on a path inexorably to a death at some point in the foreseeable future. Exact timings are tricky—we might want to come back to that. I therefore think it is quite difficult to specify that certain diseases are going to cause death and others are not, because in both directions that could be misleading.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  On a point of order, Mr Dowd. I had my hand up at the beginning. I was really keen to ask a question in this session because it is pertinent to an amendment that I have tabled. Could you advise how best I can have the opportunity to ask my question?

• 28 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  indicated dissent.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Thank you, Mr Dowd. I have a quick question for Dr Cox. Earlier on, in the context of multidisciplinary teams, you mentioned how important the family of the patient is. There is currently no role in the Bill, as it is currently drafted, for the next of kin or for any family member. Do you think that is a mistake? Is that something we should look to amend? Dr Cox: I think it is a choice for the patient. It is always a choice for the patient who they want to involve from their social circle, whether that is family or friends. However, I think that if the patient wants the family involved, then they absolutely should be, and they should be part of those conversations and discussions.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  indicated assent.

• 23 Jan 2025 · Cyber Security · Hansard source

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  Last year, the National Cyber Security Centre, located in the constituency of my hon. Friend the Member for Cheltenham (Max Wilkinson), said that the Government were almost certain that Russian actors had attempted to interfere in the 2019 general election. We are clearly in a new era of politics. Trust in politics is at an all-time low; disinformation is on the rise; and following instances across the world of foreign interference in elections, it is essential that the Government make a plan to address this threat to democracy. It is vital that we take all possible steps to restore faith in politics to strengthen our political system, boost political engagement at home and protect our national democracy from external influences. What steps is the Secretary of State taking to safeguard the democratic processes of the United Kingdom from foreign interference?

• 23 Jan 2025 · Relations with the EU · Hansard source

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  The wholly inadequate deal with the EU negotiated by the previous Conservative Government has done enormous damage to British businesses, which have seen soaring import costs, increased workforce shortages, and reams of red tape creating huge barriers to growth. The return of a Trump Administration in Washington changes the landscape of trade deals globally with the threat of high tariffs, and will be deeply worrying for many businesses across the country. The UK must lead on the world stage again, standing up for our interests by working closely with other countries—most importantly, our European neighbours—as set out by my right hon. Friend the leader of the Liberal Democrats in his new year’s speech last week. I urge the Minister to be more ambitious in rebuilding our relationship with Europe. Does he agree that the best way to boost growth and fix our relationship with the EU is to agree a new UK-EU customs union?

• 21 Jan 2025 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  Residents in my constituency will have been extremely concerned to read the news this morning that the Chancellor plans to announce next week the expansion of Heathrow. I invite her to tell us, on the Floor of the House this morning, yes or no: will the Government back expansion at Heathrow?

• 15 Jan 2025 · Health and Social Care: Winter Update · Hansard source

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  I was pleased to hear what the Secretary of State said about vaccine roll-out, particularly of the RSV vaccine. I am even more pleased that my constituents in Richmond Park are diligent in taking up all vaccines, but they have been puzzled to find that the RSV vaccine is limited to those between 75 and 79 years of age. What plans are there are to extend the roll-out to those aged 80 and above?

• 14 Jan 2025 · UK-China Economic and Financial Dialogue · Hansard source

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  UK exports to China currently represent less than 10% of the UK’s total exports, whereas our exports to the EU represent over 40%, demonstrating the greater opportunities that trading with the EU makes available to our small and medium enterprises. Will the Chancellor commit to talking four times as much to our European partners about our trading opportunities than she has to China?

• 9 Jan 2025 · Violence against Women and Girls · Hansard source

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  I am humbled to take part in this debate. I do not have my own personal testimony to offer, but the issue of violence against women and girls has become very evident to me in my years as an MP through my constituency surgeries. First, I have learned how hard it is for women to get away and, once an abuser has them in their sights, how very difficult it is for them to escape. Secondly, as has been highlighted, not least by the hon. Member for Wolverhampton West (Warinder Juss), I have learned how abuse can be perpetuated by some of the institutions in this country, such as His Majesty’s Revenue and Customs, the financial system and the family courts. I had learned those things, but since my eyes were opened to the extent of domestic abuse in my constituency, I have really come to admire the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, the hon. Member for Birmingham Yardley (Jess Phillips) for all the work she has done on this issue before she came to this place, as a Back Bencher and now as a Minister. I urge her not to be deterred from the incredible work she has been doing by the awful experience she has had this week. However, I saw her compassionate and typically forthright response to the hon. Member for Lagan Valley (Sorcha Eastwood) after her extraordinary speech, and all I can say is that I have been very reassured on that point. I just want to pledge my solidarity with the Minister for all she has been doing. I want to raise two particular issues that have come through in my casework. Very recently, constituents of mine who have been victims of violence have told me stories of how evidence of criminal activity has been removed from a crime scene—a violent crime scene—without forensic evidence being taken. I have challenged the Met police about this, and apparently it is no longer commonplace for forensic exams to be conducted due to budget cuts. Consequently, potential key evidence that could have contributed to the safety of my constituents has been lost. I have heard further examples of safety equipment, including panic alarms, being removed from the houses of vulnerable victims who remain under the threat of being attacked, and I am talking about very credible threats to life. I was again informed that this was for budgeting reasons. I have written to the Minister about this particular case, and I really hope she will make time for a meeting with me to discuss it. It is unacceptable that budget cuts are putting the protection and safety of domestic abuse victims at risk, and I really hope the Minister will be able to take this up with colleagues, because it is vital that victims who are under threat have sufficient safeguards in place to ensure their protection from past abusers. The cases that are being brought to my office have shown the immediate impact that Home Office cuts to policing are having on the safety and wellbeing of vulnerable victims. In many cases involving crimes such as rape and murder, victims and bereaved families do not attend trial to avoid further trauma, and the Minister will know, because we have discussed it directly before, that a constituent of mine who was drugged and raped by her then boyfriend in February 2020 was quoted nearly £7,000 to access the transcript of the trial in which he was convicted with an 18-year sentence. Without a transcript, many victims struggle to find out about the proceedings or why a certain verdict is reached. That is even more important in those cases where a not guilty verdict is returned. It is common for victims of violent crime to be advised by mental health professionals that a transcript of proceedings would aid their healing and help them process their experiences. In the previous Parliament, I introduced an amendment to the Victims and Prisoners Bill which, had it passed, would have made provision for victims of crime to access a transcript of their trial free of charge. Victims can apply to the Crown court for a free transcript, but in many cases, such as that of my constituent, this request is rejected. I urge the Minister to take any steps available to her and to speak to colleagues about what more can be done to increase the availability of court transcripts to aid the recovery of victims.

• 9 Jan 2025 · Violence against Women and Girls · Hansard source

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  Does my hon. Friend agree that collecting data is so important in really getting to grips with the issue?

• 7 Jan 2025 · Pro-democracy Campaigners: Arrests · Hansard source

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  I am fortunate enough to have a large community of Hongkongers in my constituency, who are extremely welcome, but they often speak to me about the limitations imposed on them by the conditions of the BNO visa under which they have arrived in this country. They cannot gain full access to healthcare, education or employment opportunities. Does the Minister agree that addressing some of the concerns felt by Hongkongers in Britain will send the Chinese Government a strong message about how much we value our Hong Kong citizens, and how hard this Government work to support their freedoms and their right to live in this country?

• 18 Dec 2024 · Lords Spiritual (Women) Act 2015 (Extension) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  I and my Liberal Democrat colleagues are supportive of the extension of this legislation and its ambition to make our second Chamber a more equal and representative place. I am glad to see the legislation move so swiftly through Parliament and I plan to play my part in that. We are glad of the intention of the Bill to address the stark gender imbalance that exists among our Lords Spiritual. We are supportive of that aim and welcome steps to ensure that Parliament better reflects the country it serves. Question put and agreed to. Bill accordingly read the Third time and passed , without amendment .