Richard Quigley MP: speeches

Speeches

• 11 Mar 2026 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  T3. The wage gap between the Isle of Wight and the rest of the UK— [Interruption.] I know that Conservative Members love the Isle of Wight, but they did nothing about it when they were in power. The wage gap between the Isle of Wight and the rest of the UK leaves full-time island employees about £5,500 a year worse off in comparison with the national average, while female islanders are about £8,000 worse off. Will the Minister work with Cabinet colleagues as a matter of urgency to address the island wage gap, particularly for women, and does she agree that closing that gap is good for women, good for communities and good for growth?

• 5 Mar 2026 · World Book Day · Hansard source

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  May I say what an incredible pleasure it is to serve under your superb chairship, Mrs Hobhouse? I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Dulwich and West Norwood (Helen Hayes) for securing this debate. As in so many other ways, I am proud to represent an area that truly punches above its weight in literary tradition, not only through the talent the Isle of Wight has produced past and present, but through the inspiration the island has offered to many of our country’s most celebrated authors. Just two weeks ago, I was honoured to attend the Isle of Wight story festival, a wonderful event supported by the national lottery and Arts Council England created for island families during the February half term. The festival showcases not only the passion for creativity and storytelling across all ages on the island, but its founding principle that stories are around us, wherever you live, whoever you are and whatever your circumstance. It is a precious reminder that imagination and creativity exist in all of us, even people in this place. I touched only briefly on the island’s rich literary tradition earlier, so I hope Members will indulge me as I offer a small humblebrag about the remarkable authors and the stories that have been produced on or inspired by the Isle of Wight. Charles Dickens spent several months on the island while working on his semi-autobiographical novel “David Copperfield”. During a visit to Bonchurch, he described it as “quite the prettiest place I have seen”. Despite not being in my constituency, I agree. Today, the island proudly commemorates his 1849 family holiday through the Charles Dickens trail, which guides visitors around the locations he knew and loved. The Isle of Wight was also home to Queen Victoria’s beloved poet laureate, Alfred, Lord Tennyson, who lived at Farringford House in Freshwater. Although he ultimately felt compelled to leave due to the rather overenthusiastic attention of local residents and curious tourists, he maintained ownership of Farringford House until his death. Upon his elevation to the House of Lords in 1844, he took the title Baron Tennyson of Aldworth and Freshwater, suggesting he did not harbour too much ill will towards the island, despite the disruptions he endured during his time there. However, the island is so much more than its literary past. I think of the Isle of Wight literary festival, which has not only hosted such authors as Dr Stuart Lawrence, Susie Dent and Martin Edwards, but also does fantastic outreach through its schools programme, which brings these celebrated authors into almost every local primary classroom, allowing local children to see these stories and the authors behind them in real life. While I am pleased to celebrate the island’s rich literary heritage, it would be remiss of me not to highlight that, despite the inspiration that the island has provided to some of our greatest writers, we remain one of the UK’s most disadvantaged areas for literacy and have the second-highest level of educational deprivation in the south. One in three children leaves school unable to read at the expected level. Without straying too far from the subject of today’s debate, the contrast speaks to why the island is so often left behind in terms of funding and outcomes. Our historic reputation and perception as a holiday destination for the wealthy masks the reality experienced by most islanders, particularly our children. Too often, these outdated assumptions rather than the stark realities I have set out influence funding allocations. When I have spoken to officials inside Government, there has been genuine shock to learn that relative child poverty on the island is 10% higher than the regional average and nearly 3% higher than the national average. That goes a long way to explaining the gap between the perception of the island and the reality. Despite these obstacles, I know there is a strong determination, nationally from the Education Secretary to the brilliant education team in the Isle of Wight council, to improve that picture. I am absolutely certain that the talent and determination is there to ensure that our literary tradition is matched by equally strong outcomes from young readers and students. As we celebrate World Book Day, I end with a nod to author and admirer of our island, Jane Austen. In the novel “Mansfield Park”, Maria and Julia tease their cousin Fanny for her devotion, saying: “She thinks of nothing but the Isle of Wight, and she calls it the Island , as if there were no other island in the world.” As any Austen reader knows, it is Fanny and perhaps the Isle of Wight itself that has the last laugh, proving in time to have a depth of understanding and awareness that her cousins never quite match.

• 11 Feb 2026 · Engagements · Hansard source

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  Q5. As the Prime Minister will have heard me say, the Isle of Wight is a fantastic place to live, work and learn, despite the Leader of the Opposition trying to give us to China. He will also be aware of some of the challenges we have in cross-Solent transport with reliability, frequency and price. The emissions trading scheme, which ironically applies only to hybrid vessels, might increase fares further. Exemptions have been granted for Scotland and Northern Ireland, and the lack of grid capacity means that we cannot fully decarbonise. I am deeply concerned about the impact on our island community. Will the Prime Minister urgently ask Department for Energy Security and Net Zero Ministers to review this issue?

• 10 Feb 2026 · Eating Disorders (Training) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That leave be given to bring in a Bill to establish a requirement for persons providing certain public services to undertake training relating to eating disorders and disordered eating; to make provision about the delivery and content of such training; and for connected purposes. As many colleagues will know, this Bill is deeply personal to me. I have spoken before about how my youngest child’s experience with an eating disorder exposed me to the scale of failings across child and adolescent mental health services, wider mental health services and our in-patient system. The Bill will not fix every one of those problems, but I do want to place on record my sincere thanks to the Department of Health and Social Care, particularly the Minister for Care and the Minister for Health Innovation and Safety, for their genuine commitment to understanding this crisis and their determination to confront it head-on. Turning to the Bill itself, I have chosen to focus on training for frontline public service workers, ensuring that they are equipped to recognise and safeguard those experiencing one of the most misunderstood mental health conditions. The evidence is clear: early intervention—spotting the signs quickly and accessing appropriate care—dramatically improves outcomes. It can reduce the need for in-patient or day patient treatment by around 35%, meaning fewer hospital admissions and far less disruption to everyday life. Yet eating disorders remain profoundly misunderstood. Unlike many other illnesses, the person affected may actively resist help. These conditions often drive secrecy, denial and a determination to mask the harm being done both to the individual and to the people who love them most. As with domestic abuse, it is so often our frontline public service workers who, in those brief moments when a sufferer allows their guard to drop, are best placed to reassure them that recovery is both possible and within reach. Eating disorders do not only cause physical and mental deterioration; we must not forget that eating disorders carry the highest mortality rate of any mental illness. The most recent confirmed data from the Office for National Statistics recorded 36 deaths for 2019, yet research from the US suggests that the true figure for the UK could be far higher, potentially closer to 1,860 deaths once under-reporting and misclassification are accounted for. Hospital admissions tell a similar story. Admissions exceeded 30,000 for the first time in 2023-24, which is a 60% rise compared with pre-pandemic levels. I fear that without legislative action we will continue to reach these devastating milestones: more children losing their childhoods, more parents fighting desperately just to have their child heard, and more entirely preventable deaths. The framework for the training proposed in the Bill already exists. As I have said, it mirrors the approach taken for domestic abuse inquiries, giving frontline professionals the skills to ask sensitive, safe and appropriate questions. I firmly believe that the vast majority of dedicated frontline staff want to help. This Bill simply gives them the tools and confidence to do so. In 2023, the Royal College of Psychiatrists developed the guidance document “Medical Emergencies in Eating Disorders” to improve the safe management of crises and prevent avoidable complications and deaths. Yet we still do not see consistent implementation across the UK. Far too many people with eating disorders arrive at A&E only to be turned away with no follow-up support. That cannot be right. Eating disorders rarely appear in isolation. The eating disorders all-party parliamentary group has heard harrowing accounts of people undergoing cancer treatment whose chemotherapy was not adjusted due to a lack of understanding about their eating disorder, leaving those already facing the fear and loneliness of chemotherapy even more vulnerable. One profession where this training could have a profound impact is teaching. Body dissatisfaction—one of the strongest risk factors—is now being observed in girls as young as six. That is a truly shocking fact, and many teachers feel utterly helpless when they see their students beginning to slip into harmful patterns of thinking or behaviour. NHS figures show that around 6,000 children under 10 were hospitalised for eating disorders over a five-year period, including more than 1,000 children under five. I do not believe for a minute that the hospitalisation of over 6,000 children suffering from an eating disorder was inevitable. I can only imagine the helplessness felt by parents, carers, teachers and clinicians as they watched those children struggle. The training in this Bill is designed to change that. It would give teachers and other frontline staff practical, evidence-based tools to recognise early warning signs: noticeable changes in eating behaviours, obsessive thinking about food or exercise, rapid weight fluctuations, withdrawal from friends, or sudden anxiety linked to body image. It would guide staff on how to ask sensitive questions safely, how to communicate without reinforcing harmful thinking and how to signpost families quickly towards appropriate clinical support. Crucially, it would also help staff understand what not to do, avoiding language that might inadvertently validate disordered thoughts, resisting the instinct to offer reassurance that could make things worse and recognising when urgent escalation is required. As I have set out, eating disorders are complex, often misunderstood conditions that present differently in every individual. Anorexia, binge eating disorder and other illnesses do not look the same from one person to the next, but we know that, in a moment of need, having someone who can recognise the signs and intervene can be the first step towards a meaningful recovery, giving someone the chance to reclaim their life. As I said at the start of this speech, this Bill is not a silver bullet for the crisis in eating disorder services. I have been candid with Ministers about the breadth of change required across the system, and I suspect that the Department will be delighted to hear that I intend to continue campaigning, but the Bill recognises the deceptive nature of these illnesses and acknowledges the simple truth that families cannot and should not be expected to navigate such complex and deeply confusing conditions on their own, and that frontline staff must have the tools to help where they can. For those such as Zara Taylor, who tragically passed away due to her eating disorder, we will never know whether the measures in this Bill might have made a difference, but we owe it to her and the many others who are no longer with us to do everything within our power in this place to ensure that those who are struggling can seek and access help wherever they are in their journey. Question put and agreed to. Ordered, That Mr Richard Quigley, Wera Hobhouse, John Whitby, Llinos Medi, Baggy Shanker, Lee Barron, Siân Berry, Anneliese Dodds, John McDonnell and Josh Newbury present the Bill. Mr Richard Quigley accordingly presented the Bill. Bill read the First time; to be read a Second time on Friday 27 February , and to be printed (Bill 380 ).

• 10 Feb 2026 · Businesses: Cost of Energy · Hansard source

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  I know that the Department is working hard with the Department for Transport to decarbonise shipping, but the current system works against businesses. One of our ferry companies is having to pay £12 million up front for a shoreside connection and then wait for up to seven years. Will the Minister commit to reviewing this system to speed up electric shipping for places such as the Isle of Wight?

• 3 Feb 2026 · Universal Credit (Removal of Two Child Limit) Bill · Hansard source

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  Listening to the shadow Secretary of State, the hon. Member for Faversham and Mid Kent (Helen Whately), is quite something—one would think that the recipients of this benefit were spending the money on soft furnishings for their second homes. They are not; they are spending it on food, rent and clothing for their children. The rise in child poverty under the previous Tory Government has been a shameful stain on this country, and I am proud to be part of a Government who are taking action, not only to provide food and basic necessities but to give children the opportunity to escape cycles of poverty and build secure, independent futures. In the months since this policy was announced, we have heard some truly shameful language from Opposition Members, including describing this Budget as a “Budget for ‘Benefits Street’”. In doing so, they completely denigrate the 450,000 children who never chose to be born into poverty, and who for the most part have simply had the misfortune of growing up during years of successive Conservative Governments. It is telling that using taxpayers’ money to lift children out of poverty is framed by the Conservatives as an irresponsible use of public funds, while the £10 billion lost to covid fraud is something we are apparently expected to forget and move on from without consequence. I would genuinely welcome the shadow Secretary of State and the Leader of the Opposition to my constituency, so that they can explain directly to the nearly 1,600 children who will be lifted out of poverty by the removal of the two-child cap why the Leader of the Opposition so routinely denigrates people like them and their parents—parents who themselves are paying the price for a Government she was part of, who sent mortgages soaring and allowed inflation to reach 11%. Sadly, I will not hold my breath. When she is not using the Isle of Wight as a punchline for one of her poor, laugh-less jokes, she treats it as a photo opportunity, without having the basic respect to engage with local people, local media or, indeed, the local MP. Perhaps we should not be surprised. The Conservative party has consistently failed to understand the real, tangible difference that such policies make to people’s lives. Instead of reckoning with the impact of their poverty-accelerating decisions, they choose to vilify those who stand to benefit from the Bill. As I understand it, Reform would now reverse the two-child cap to find money to pay for a cheaper pint at the local pub. Presumably Reform’s next policies would increase the drunk-driving limit to whatever people think they can get away with and lower the age of buying cigarettes to 12, because daddy will be too busy down the pub saving money to buy his own cigs. As a small business owner, I know too well the damaging legacy of austerity, and the removal of the two-child cap represents the clearing away of one of the most shameful legacies of the austerity years. I know from first-hand experience the impact that Government decisions have on local economies. Austerity was not just a line in a Budget; it was a decade of under-investment that hit businesses such as mine hard. It hollowed out our high streets, weakened consumer confidence and squeezed the incomes of working families. This policy is about more than tackling poverty and the intergenerational damage it causes; it is about giving hard-working families the chance to feel that they are a part of their high street again, and supporting those who have lost a wage earner or whose wages have simply failed to keep pace with the cost of living. It is called social security for a reason, and it is the solemn responsibility of any Government to provide a safety net to those who, through no fault of their own, have fallen on hard times. This policy is not just about the removal of the benefits cap; it is an investment in our greatest asset—the British people—and in our future. It is about ensuring that the next generation do not go to school hungry or without the basic necessities and about putting our country on a stronger footing by giving every child a fair start in life.

• 2 Feb 2026 · Naval Shipbuilding · Hansard source

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  Wight Shipyard and Diverse Marine in my constituency do fantastic work and they thoroughly welcome the launch of the new dedicated unit to help ensure that small defence companies can access Ministry of Defence contracts. However, given the recent news that a £200 million contract has been awarded to the Dutch firm Damen, what assurances can the Minister offer to companies such as Wight Shipyard and Diverse Marine that they will have a fair and credible route into competing for these major programmes?

• 2 Feb 2026 · Naval Shipbuilding · Hansard source

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  13. What steps he is taking to support naval shipbuilding.

• 27 Jan 2026 · Digital Exploitation of Women and Girls · Hansard source

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  It is a beyond fantastic pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Jardine. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Preston (Sir Mark Hendrick) for securing such an important and extremely timely debate. As we have seen over the past weeks, months and years, the exploitation of women and girls comes in many forms; the digital landscape does not automatically protect them from physical harm. We have seen recently how easily predators can sexually exploit women and girls through deepfakes on social media, and how these actions are actively promoted by platforms. That exploitation can also translate into the exploitation of physical insecurities, which can lead women and girls down a dangerous and unattainable path. Unrealistic body standards in advertising are not a new phenomenon, but AI has deepened the problem. It is beyond the pale: it now enables girls to be exposed to imagery promoting body types that quite literally defy the laws of physics. Such content is not something that they stumble on; it is actively pushed at them through targeted advertising. Once a social media platform identifies a user as a girl or a young woman, the algorithm begins promoting harmful material directly into their feed. A recent Government report found that 19% of girls aged between 14 and 16 had been exposed to harmful content promoting extreme thinness—nearly three times the figure reported by their male classmates. A leaked internal report from Meta went further, indicating that its eating disorder-related algorithm is more likely to target users who have previously engaged with content about body dissatisfaction. That is a malicious example of how these companies, which by the way are fully aware of these risks, continue to exploit the insecurities of women and girls. Some of the most distressing cases of deepfakes and technology-facilitated sexual abuse have resulted in women losing their job, their reputation and even access to their children. These incidents send an appalling message that perpetrators can wield overwhelming power over their victims. They confirm the very fears that many survivors live with every day. If social media and AI companies are willing to stand by while their algorithms amplify content about dangerous eating disorders and give abusers free rein to harm women and their children, we must act. This is a significant fight, but one that I and many of my colleagues are absolutely committed to continuing. If we are not vigilant, we risk allowing our digital world to be shaped by the misogynistic impulses of figures like Elon Musk and the wider manosphere, rather than building an online world that safeguards and protects women and girls.

• 26 Jan 2026 · PIP Review: Cancer Patients · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for his response. Many cancer patients receiving PIP and universal credit were alarmed by proposals put forward last summer suggesting that individuals undergoing active cancer treatment might be required to complete a work capability assessment before accessing those benefits. What assurances can the Department give that people in the midst of cancer treatment will not be burdened with these assessments at such a vulnerable and challenging time?

• 26 Jan 2026 · PIP Review: Cancer Patients · Hansard source

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  2. If he will take steps to ensure that the Timms review of personal independence payment does not propose changes that would affect people undergoing cancer treatment.

• 26 Jan 2026 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  I wish you a speedy recovery, Mr Speaker—as I understand it, the other fellow came off much worse. On the Isle of Wight, our NHS trust takes students who would otherwise have ended up NEET—not in education, employment or training—and puts them through a pre-apprenticeship scheme that gives them not only the skills but, more importantly, the confidence needed to start an apprenticeship and then go into work. I encourage the Secretary of State to visit the Isle of Wight to see the great work that the trust does. Will he encourage other employers to do the same thing?

• 20 Jan 2026 · Tackling Forced Labour Practices · Hansard source

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  4. What steps she is taking with international partners to help tackle forced labour practices.

• 20 Jan 2026 · Tackling Forced Labour Practices · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for his response. However, the UK’s Joint Committee on Human Rights has warned that without stronger action, we risk falling behind the EU and the US, and even becoming a dumping ground for goods produced with forced labour. Will the Government commit to introducing legislation that sends a clear and unequivocal message that the UK stands firmly against Uyghur forced labour, and will not allow such products into our market?

• 15 Jan 2026 · Gambling Harms: Children and Young People · Hansard source

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  What a fantastic pleasure it is to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Sittingbourne and Sheppey (Kevin McKenna) for securing this important debate, and for his wider campaigning on this issue. Gambling is not harmless. For young people, whose minds are still developing and are far more susceptible to addiction and social pressures, the risks are even greater. Some on the Opposition Benches often warn of a so-called nanny state or of Government overreach, but failing to act on gambling harms would be turning a blind eye to a growing crisis that is harming the most vulnerable in our society. In many tragic cases, it is tearing families apart. Declan Cregan has bravely spoken out about how he became addicted to £1-spin gambling websites during his school lunch break. What began as a seemingly low-stakes, low-risk habit spiralled into a 10-year struggle that ultimately cost him around half a million pounds. It is not only those living with addiction who suffer the consequences; parents Peter and Sadie Keogh have faced the unimaginable pain of losing their son, who ended his own life after being overwhelmed by a gambling addiction. Early exposure to gambling does not simply pose a risk but casts a devastating and far-reaching shadow over young people, families and whole communities. We know that gambling is harmful for adults, and often targeted at those who are already financially vulnerable, but the safeguards designed to protect children and young people have simply not kept pace with the realities of the digital age. Some 31% of young people report seeing gambling content promoted by influencers and, according to GambleAware, 30% of 11 to 17-year-olds have spent their own money on gambling in the last 12 months—a 3% increase since 2024. Despite those trends, GambleAware has warned that as a nation we still rely far too heavily on self-regulation, with responsibility spread across multiple Government Departments and no single point of accountability. Meanwhile, existing intervention and support services are often designed with adults in mind. Young people who seek help frequently describe wanting confidential, youth-friendly support that feels private and accessible, but instead find services that make them feel further alienated and misunderstood. Many young people do not recognise their behaviour as harmful; they do not see themselves as problem gamblers, and see their actions as normal, or even expected, youthful risk taking. Tragically, they realise only when they are financially, socially and psychologically deep into the addiction that what seemed like harmless fun has taken a profound toll. Gambling companies, whether online or on the high street, have repeatedly shown their unwillingness to take genuine responsibility for safeguarding their customers. Only last week, in response to a signature on a joint letter on the harms of gambling led by my hon. Friend the Member for Brent East (Dawn Butler), I received a reply that effectively told me how wrong I was. It informed me of the virtues of gambling for our high streets and local economies. If these organisations are so convinced of the good they do, they should have nothing to fear from proper scrutiny. But we know that they are all too happy with the status quo, and wish to continue to mark their own homework. If we are to meaningfully confront the escalating crisis of youth gambling, the Government must move beyond incremental tweaks and adopt a proactive, uncompromising approach to addressing the well-evidenced harms associated with it. We need swift, decisive action to modernise protections so that they reflect the realities of a digital world—one in which young people are routinely targeted and relentlessly exposed to risk. The support we offer must be designed to genuinely resonate with children and teenagers, meeting them where they are, speaking in a language they trust and providing services they will actually use. Only then can we stem the rising tide of harm and safeguard the wellbeing of the next generation.

• 6 Jan 2026 · Therapeutic Play and Children’s Healthcare · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend for securing this debate and for the important work that he and Starlight have done so far on this issue. Does he agree that ensuring there is effective play within children’s healthcare not only helps create happier, calmer patients but delivers real benefits for the NHS by enabling quicker, smoother procedures and reducing overall costs?

• 2 Dec 2025 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  T5. My constituent has expressed deep concern for his family and friends in Syria who belong to a minority ethnic group and he seeks reassurance. What steps is the Secretary of State taking to ensure that all minority communities in Syria are protected?

• 2 Dec 2025 · Women and Girls: Isle of Wight · Hansard source

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  It will come as no great surprise to hear that the hon. Member and I agree on many things. Despite our opposition politically, as family MPs on the Isle of Wight we share many frustrations with the limitations of being on an island. I thank the hon. Member for his intervention. All too often, the opportunities feel harder for girls to access, which is something we must change. Educational outcomes are not an abstract issue for women and girls on the island: they shape their entire future. Although jobs in hospitality and retail exist on the island, I worry about the young women for whom those sectors hold little appeal. Too often they feel that meaningful opportunities and long-term careers are out of reach. I am aware that that is not an unusual feeling for young people but, as I have set out, due to a variety of factors, young girls on the island may feel that the opportunities are still further from them. That is why targeted support for girls leaving education on the Isle of Wight, helping them to access a wider range of career paths, would make a real and lasting difference. The picture I have painted today may seem like a story of lost opportunities for the island’s women and girls, but I want to end on a different note. I want to celebrate the resilience and ambition of the women and girls I have had the privilege to meet as an MP. As I am sure my colleague from the other side of the island would agree, the bright and confident students, the determined businesswomen, and the mothers, sisters and daughters on the island all demonstrate that women and girls on the Isle of Wight do not lack drive or aspiration. What they lack is the support to turn their ambition into opportunity, whether through access to medical care when they need it or through meaningful job prospects when they leave school. With the right backing from the Government, I truly believe they can not only reach those opportunities but thrive in them. Women on the Isle of Wight are among the bravest, smartest and funniest people I know—and that is not just because my wife, who is one of them, is watching. They understand the added challenges that come with living on an island. Some extra burdens are to be expected, but the burden we are placing on them now is a burden too far. Whether it is in respect of healthcare inequalities, domestic abuse, limited job opportunities, or the combination of all those factors, the women and girls of the island deserve better, and I will keep fighting to make sure that they get it.

• 2 Dec 2025 · Women and Girls: Isle of Wight · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered Government support for women and girls on the Isle of Wight. It is a fantastic pleasure to serve under your chairship, Sir Desmond, and it is of course a great pleasure to be here to advocate on behalf of the backbone of my constituency: the women and girls of the Isle of Wight. I am well aware of the fact that currently two men represent the Isle of Wight in Parliament, with the only diversity being that of our political parties, rather than our genders. I am pleased that the hon. Member for Isle of Wight East (Joe Robertson) is present, but the fact we are both men makes it even more important that we strongly advocate on behalf of women and girls on the island, who face added disadvantage not just because of their gender but because of where they were born and raised. Neither I nor the hon. Member for Isle of Wight East is a woman, which should be obvious, and the local council, on which we both serve, is only 30% female. That is nearly 10% below the national average for local authorities. Unfortunately, the picture is no brighter in business leadership: some estimates suggest that just 32% of the island’s business directors are women. I recognise that symbolic representation is not everything, but my central point is that I want girls growing up on the island to know that opportunities, whether in politics or business, are not reserved for men. Girls are equally capable and equally deserving, and should feel just as able to pursue such roles as their male classmates. I will touch briefly on transport, not to stray from the Minister’s remit but to highlight how poor ferry services have compounded existing inequality for women and girls on the island. The current ferry service makes it harder to access healthcare, secure job opportunities or escape domestic abuse. The challenges that exist for women and girls on the mainland are infinitely magnified for those who are effectively penned in by the Solent. The Minister will be well aware of the devastating impact of sexual violence. The trauma is profound in itself, but imagine, after experiencing rape or sexual assault, having to travel to the mainland for the dignity of having a medical examination in private. This is not a hypothetical scenario: for some sexual assault victims on the Isle of Wight, it is their lived reality. St Mary’s hospital lacks a dedicated sexual assault referral centre, forcing survivors to travel to Portsmouth to obtain the physical evidence needed to secure justice. Surviving an assault is already unbearable. Imagine then being forced to travel for well over an hour, still wearing the clothes you were attacked in, just so you can access the medical care and emotional support you need. This is far from an isolated problem: as of 2025, violent and sexual offences remain the most commonly recorded crimes on the island, and the lack of local provision to address the escalation represents a clear failure to meet the needs of those who require help the most. Crimes related to domestic abuse on the Isle of Wight rose by 25% between 2018 and 2023. Yet the island’s only refuge, which has a capacity of just six rooms, operates with severely limited space. The organisation that provides much of the vital support, Paragon, told me that many women have been forced to leave the island entirely, uprooting their homes and leaving their communities and support networks to reach safety. Estimates suggest that women on the Isle of Wight who attempt to escape domestic abuse face an additional “cost of escape” of around £10,000, compared with victims on the mainland. As I highlighted in the recent debate I led on protecting children from domestic abuse, the lack of local provision forces the most vulnerable into an impossible choice: take on crippling debt, or remain with an abusive partner because financial barriers make safety unattainable. Sadly, that is not the only area in which women on the island face inequality. Those who make the profoundly difficult decision to seek an abortion after 13 weeks are required to leave the island and cross the Solent to access care. The financial strain, the challenge of arranging travel and the absence of family or community support during such an invasive and emotionally draining procedure only compounds the distress. No woman makes this choice lightly, least of all in the later stages of pregnancy. Yet it is those with the fewest resources who shoulder the greatest burden, forced to undergo the ordeal far from home, without the reassurance of familiar surroundings, and often at overwhelming personal and financial cost. Medical inequality for women on the island does not end there. For those who continue their pregnancy, specialist services are not always available locally. St Mary’s has a special care baby unit, but it cannot manage the births of extremely premature babies, severe labour complications, or newborns who require intensive care or surgery. Although the maternity care provided at St Mary’s is among the best in the region, if not the country, the lack of advanced facilities means that women facing traumatic labours often endure the added stress of travelling off-island for critical treatment. Although it is true that many women across the country travel far when faced with complex pregnancies and deliveries, for women on the island the journey involves ferry crossings, adding another layer of discomfort and delay. For young women who are already navigating a frightening and uncertain time, it becomes yet another barrier to safe, equitable care. The healthcare inequalities alone make a compelling case for Government intervention, whether to improve maternal care or abortion services, but the challenges do not stop there. The educational outcomes and job opportunities for women and girls remain severely limited.

• 2 Dec 2025 · Women and Girls: Isle of Wight · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Member for raising an important point. The numbers he mentioned should certainly terrify us all. Someone going through 50 incidents of abuse before reporting it is the hidden story. I thank him for his intervention and agree entirely with his point. The barriers are exacerbated by our poor cross-Solent connectivity, which restricts access to training, higher education and employment beyond the island. One of the Government’s key ambitions is to ensure that every child gets the best possible start in life, but if we are serious about making that a reality for children on the Isle of Wight, additional support is essential. For some girls—and boys—born there, the cost of cross-Solent travel means they have never left the island. That is a missed opportunity to experience the wider world and broaden their horizons. I am pleased to have worked with the ferry companies to introduce an initiative offering free ferry travel for West Wight residents on their 18th birthday, but two return tickets alone cannot tackle the deeper challenges they face. Unless we address the barriers head on, we risk limiting not only their access to education, but their aspirations and future opportunities. This year’s GCSE and A-level results paint a stark picture. As the Isle of Wight Observer put it, students on the island face an “uphill battle”. Our local performance has fallen significantly below national outcomes across key benchmarks, placing it at the very bottom of the national rankings. Just 62.5% of students achieved a standard pass of grade 4 or above, compared with the national average of 70.5%. Every one of the statistics puts the island at the bottom among English counties. Although I am speaking about education broadly, this is fundamentally an issue of equality, not only between island and mainland students, but in ensuring that girls have the tools, confidence and opportunities to pursue any education or career path they aspire to.

• 27 Nov 2025 · Domestic Abuse: Children · Hansard source

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  There is very little I can add, other than to say that I wholeheartedly agree. That is a very important part of this debate, so I thank my hon. Friend sincerely. That survivor’s story is, heartbreakingly, just one among many that I know will echo across our communities. In the year ending March 2024, an estimated 1.8 million children in England were affected by domestic abuse. Although 70% of affected children have stated that they would seek support for domestic abuse, 61% state that they would not know where to go to find it. The Government’s commitment to halving violence against women and girls is noble, but we must ensure that every child is protected, that court-ordered safeguards are robust, and that trauma support for newly single parents is properly funded. Education and community support must play a central role in breaking the cycle of intergenerational abuse, empowering future generations to prevent harm, protect potential victims and stop abusers before they begin to engage in this behaviour. I therefore call on the Government to take the following actions: to amend the Children Act 1989 to reflect better the lived experience of children and young people affected by domestic abuse, and to embed our enhanced understanding of abuse, making it clear that coercive control constitutes harm to children; to publish a clear timeline for implementing the family court reforms recommended in the Ministry of Justice harm panel review of 2020; to roll out mandatory multi-agency training on domestic abuse across the family justice system; and to invest in the design and delivery of the violence against women and girls prevention programmes in schools and other educational settings. The political will is there, and I believe that we have the right voices in charge to enact the change that we need and that our children deserve, but we must take decisive action to stop this silent crisis from escalating into a catastrophe. We owe it not only to survivors, but to the women and children who are no longer with us. Their stories cannot be in vain.

• 27 Nov 2025 · Domestic Abuse: Children · Hansard source

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  I sincerely thank the Minister for her response, for the steps that have already been taken by this Government to protect children from domestic abuse, and for the commencement of the Pathfinder programme in 2026 on the Isle of Wight. I also thank all hon. Members for their contributions. As Women’s Aid reminds us, children do not just passively witness abuse; they absorb it. It becomes a weight that they carry every day, following them into school, into their friendships and, most damagingly, into adulthood. One survivor told me that, as a child, their Friday afternoons at school were not spent counting down to the weekend, like other kids; instead, they were silently begging the clock to slow down, dreading the moment they would have to go home and hoping that Monday would come back round quickly. Some 50% of young people who access our child and adolescent mental health services say that they have witnessed domestic abuse. There is a clear moral and economic case to get this issue right. Women’s Aid estimates that support from specialist domestic abuse services can save the NHS well over £150,000 per survivor, which includes the cost of visits to A&E, hospital treatment and appointments with GPs and other professionals. Protecting children from domestic abuse is about not just safeguarding their present, but securing their future. Every child deserves a home that feels safe, not one that they fear to return to. Let us make sure that no child is left silently begging the clock to slow down. Question put and agreed to. Resolved , That this House has considered the matter of protecting children from domestic abuse.

• 27 Nov 2025 · Domestic Abuse: Children · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered the matter of protecting children from domestic abuse. You will be pleased to know what a marvellous pleasure it is to serve under your chairship, Ms Jardine. I would like to begin where we typically end our debates in Westminster Hall, and that is by thanking all hon. Members present. I am well aware that, on a topic such as this, what often compels people to speak is painful lived experience; so I sincerely thank everyone who has come here today, whether to bravely share their own experience or to represent the children in their constituency who otherwise do not have a voice in this place. It is appreciated and truly important. This debate unfortunately stems from deep tragedy and systemic failure. As many will know, I have tabled it in honour of the 19 children killed by perpetrators of domestic abuse between 2015 and 2024. Their stories are solemn reminders of the danger of placing an outdated emphasis on parental contact above all else. I recognise that there have been important strides in recent months, and I want to sincerely commend the work of my Government in repealing the presumption of parental contact in family courts and introducing a new police duty to notify schools of domestic abuse incidents. Those are significant steps forward, but we cannot stop here. While I have rightly praised this Government, I also want to acknowledge the previous Government for introducing the Domestic Abuse Act 2021. We are here today because, for the first time, children were recognised as victims in their own right in that legislation. That Act was a vital step forward. It diagnosed the problem we face, but it did not provide an adequate cure. Paragon, which does incredible work in my constituency of Isle of Wight West, told me: “As children are now being recognised in their own right as victims of domestic abuse, we are seeing an increase in referrals for support. We have had no increase in funding to provide additional capacity to support children and young people and as a result we have a short waitlist in place. Waiting for this crucial support is not ideal.” This reality is grimly reflected in the national picture. Women’s Aid’s “On Track” data reveals that there are more children than adults living in refuge spaces, but accessing a refuge does not mean that life returns to normal for those children. Further research by Women’s Aid shows that extended stays in refuge often disrupt education, school and routines. Many still face significant barriers to securing a school place after moving, because their mothers often have to cross local authority boundaries to stay safe. For those children, safety often comes at the cost of stability. I am deeply grateful to have spoken with abuse survivors, including one of my constituents whose experience illustrates why prevention is so vital. As both a child victim and later a victim in her own relationship, she would have benefited enormously from early intervention. She has bravely agreed for me to share her story today. The following words are hers: “Before I had even started primary school, domestic abuse had already shaped me. When home isn’t safe, fear becomes your earliest teacher. You don’t play freely in the world—you withdraw from it. Trust feels dangerous, friendships feel risky, and when every day is lived in the shadow of survival, confidence has no chance to bloom, nor your dreams any chance to grow. And in the classroom where children would feel free to learn and explore, that same fear follows you. Concentration becomes impossible, achievement feels out of reach, and you fall behind long before anyone realises, you’re not struggling with the work, you’re struggling with the trauma. And, like so many children, I became part of a cycle that I never chose. After watching my mother suffer abuse, I unknowingly followed the same pattern. My daughter was born into a home where she, too, witnessed fear, control, and harm—things no child should ever see. Left unchecked, domestic abuse doesn’t just scar one generation; it echoes through the next. What’s even more tragic is that my abuser had once been a child victim himself. He grew up watching violence without the support, education or therapy he so desperately needed. Without intervention, he grew into the only model he had ever known. The cycle only ends when children are supported—when they are protected, when they learn about healthy relationships, are given tools to recognise abuse, and helped to heal from the trauma they witness. When they are shown that the devastating effects of domestic abuse do not have to be their inheritance. I count myself lucky to live on the Isle of Wight, where support for my daughter exists—support that can quite literally save children’s futures. But across the country, too many children do not have this help. And without it, they stand little chance of breaking the cycle themselves.”

• 26 Nov 2025 · Young People not in Education, Employment or Training · Hansard source

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  What a pleasure it is to serve under your chairship, Mr Dowd. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Amber Valley (Linsey Farnsworth) for securing this debate. Every generation says, “I’m glad I am not a child today.” That is often a cliché, but I am glad I am not a 16-year-old today trying to decide where my future lies, not least because we are forcing children to start choosing their future from the age of 11. That is because the route to university is so clear, that it is effectively a queue—a queue whose direction and length can be seen from the Moon. But for those who are not academic, there is no queue. We treat those not going to university like free-range chickens—“Just go and find something and please don’t bother us.” Those children often end up in low-paid and insecure work. Around 65% of school leavers do not go to university, so why are we not focusing on vocational training and qualifications? We all know that we have a shortage of builders, plumbers and care workers—jobs that the country relies on. My team and I have focused our resources on looking at vocational training, education and employment. Many young people on the Isle of Wight do not feel that university is a place for them. Many do not feel the urge to leave the island for work, but feel that they have no choice. How do we support NEETs? The answer is that we stop them becoming NEETs in the first place. We provide clear, vocational routes for those who do not want to go to university, but want to learn a skilled trade. We create a ladder to good, well-paying jobs—and, crucially, a future on the Isle of Wight for those who want it. In just over 18 months, the Isle of Wight Youth Trust has prevented 65 young people from becoming homeless, returned 98 young people to full-time learning or apprenticeships, and moved 273 young people into paid employment. That is great work. Since I stood in this place five months ago, speaking on similar issues, we have come a long way. My team and I have convened a group of major employers on the island to ensure that we work alongside employers to provide work experience, training and good apprenticeships, which have become the Isle of Wight’s hallmark. Although I may be the first MP to offer T-levels, I sincerely hope I am not the last. NEETs are not inevitable; they are the product of missed chances and broken links between education and employment.

• 19 Nov 2025 · Community Groups: Northern Ireland and Great Britain · Hansard source

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  1. What steps he is taking to improve collaboration between community groups in Northern Ireland and Great Britain.