Paul Kohler MP: speeches 2025

Speeches

• 11 Sept 2025 · Regional Transport Inequality · Hansard source

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  I was all too conscious at Transport questions this morning not only to ensure that I did not, after last night’s scolding, repeat the heresy of “you” or “yours”, Madam Deputy Speaker, but to keep my questions brief. Consequently, I did not have time to put on the record—for the third time in less than a year—a formal welcome on behalf of my party to the new shadow Transport Secretary. Therefore, notwithstanding the fact that the right hon. Member for Basildon and Billericay (Mr Holden) is no longer in the Chamber, I formally congratulate him on his elevation. As former Transport Minister, the right hon. Gentleman knows all about the transformative effect of transport, having only recently hopped aboard the overnight shuttle from Durham to Basildon. On that tortuous journey from the north of England to the south-east, he would have glimpsed the huge inequalities in transport provision across our country. Be it trains or buses, roads or air travel, where people live or their business is situated has a massive effect on their mobility. Mobility—the ability to move from A to Z and all points in between—is key to a modern economy and a cohesive society. The statistics paint a stark picture of, to coin a phrase, a two-tier system. Last year, for example, transport spending in London was over £1,300 per head, compared with under £400 per head in the east midlands. New research from Transport for the North reveals that over 11 million people in England face a high risk of social exclusion specifically because of inadequate transport systems. That represents a 14% increase—an extra 2 million people—since 2019. In the north-east, well over 30% of residents face a high risk of transport-related social exclusion, compared with below 3% in London. And who are the excluded? It will come as no surprise that, as Transport for the North has highlighted, it is disproportionately low-income households, unpaid carers, the old and the disabled. The very people our transport system should be helping the most are the ones facing its greatest barriers. It is not just the north of England suffering from these inequalities. Minehead in Somerset, for example, is virtually cut off. The railway station closed in 1971, and my hon. Friend the Member for Tiverton and Minehead (Rachel Gilmour) tells me that the No. 28 bus appears to run on a whim. In Stratford-upon-Avon, Stagecoach has stopped running buses in the evening and at weekends, and there is no direct train service between the home of Shakespeare and London, undermining the town’s tourist and cultural economy. Transport is, of course, key to our tourist industry. That is why in Cornwall, the new Lib Dem council has cancelled the previous Tory administration’s plans to sell off Newquay airport, but it now needs more help than is currently being offered by the Government to make the critical investment the airport so badly needs. Investment in transport is key. Even in London, where Transport for London is the envy of the rest of the country, more investment is needed. Repeated disruption on the District line is caused by some of the infrastructure being up to 130 years old, according to TfL. It sounds grim, but as my constituents are getting tired of hearing me say, we in Wimbledon and the rest of London do not know how lucky we are. Just imagine living in a region where services are sparse or non-existent, bus routes are cut, stations have been closed and the few trains running are routinely delayed. I am addressing my remarks to the Minister, for whom I have high regard and no little sympathy, because the problems with regional transport inequalities are clearly not of his making, nor his Government’s, but of the past Tory Administration’s. Take buses, for example, where deregulation allowed private operators to cream off the profitable routes and abandon the rest. Between 2015 and 2023, over 1 billion passenger journeys were lost. In the north-west alone, bus routes were reduced from nearly 3,500 in 2015 to half that number in 2024. Sadly, however, the problem still continues. My hon. Friend the Member for Eastleigh (Liz Jarvis) in the south-east of England tells me that three bus services have been cancelled since last summer. In the south-west and north-east, 56% of small towns are now identified as transport deserts or at risk of becoming so. I do not doubt the Government’s good intentions, evidenced by the Bus Services (No. 2) Bill, but in some respects, things are getting worse. The Government’s decision to increase the bus fare cap from £2 to £3, for example, will only accelerate the decline in bus usage, hitting those who are already struggling the most. The Minister will rightly point to the Bus Services (No. 2) Bill and its many excellent provisions but, as with the soon-to-be-published rail Bill, no amount of legislation will solve the issue of regional transport inequality without the necessary investment. As we saw with High Speed 2 and, more recently, the spending review, those moneys are not forthcoming. The electrification of the midland main line from London to Sheffield has now been cancelled, while at Dawlish, the critical work to protect the vital Paddington to Penzance main line from the sea has been put on hold despite the very real risks to regional connectivity. The same is true of our road network, where, for example, the promised widening of the A12, which would have supported the creation of 55,000 new homes in the Chelmsford area, has been cancelled. As the Minister is fond of telling me, there is no magic money tree, which is why the only way to address regional transport inequality is to grow the economy—a growth that is impeded by the very inequality that growth would help to address. That is why the pump must be primed with more investment in our transport system and a far more ambitious approach to growth, which can be achieved not by wishing on a star or by the PM tying himself in knots with his red lines over Europe but by boldly re-engaging with the EU and thereby completing the virtuous circle of an integrated transport system driven by and driving a dynamic and growing economy. I end by thanking the hon. Member for Derby North (Catherine Atkinson) for securing this important debate and all Members for their excellent contributions.

• 11 Sept 2025 · Transport: Economic Growth · Hansard source

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  A transport system can support economic growth only if it provides a reliable service on which businesses and passengers can depend. According to the Evening Standard , there have been 149 incidents of industrial action on TfL since Sadiq Khan became Mayor, with millions of people inconvenienced and businesses disrupted again this week in yet another tube strike. Can the Secretary of State tell us what steps she is taking, as a senior Labour politician, to sort out the mess caused by the Labour Mayor of London’s failure to reach an agreement with his Labour friends in the RMT, a union that has given hundreds of thousands of pounds to their comrades on the Government Benches in recent years?

• 10 Sept 2025 · Bus Services (No. 2) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  And the Government’s failure to address the awful scourge of headphone dodgers. Most fundamentally, the Bill will not work unless it is properly funded. At the moment it is not, and the Government cannot hide behind localism when it needs proper funding. However, we will support the Bill.

• 10 Sept 2025 · Bus Services (No. 2) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  Does the shadow Minister accept that I made the point to him in Committee that he was being too narrowly lawyerly? Does he also accept that when I raised the issue at Prime Minister’s questions, the Conservative Benches jeered almost unanimously on this point?

• 10 Sept 2025 · Bus Services (No. 2) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister and commend him for his constructive engagement throughout the passage of this Bill on the Floor of the House, in Committee and via the usual channels. Let me make it clear from the outset that my party supports the basic tenets of this Bill. The Tories’ ideologically driven decision to deregulate the bus network in the ’80s and allow private operators to cream off the profitable routes paid scant regard for many unprofitable, mainly rural, routes serving small communities, which unless subsidised by an increasingly hard-pressed local government were simply abandoned. Since 1985, as a direct consequence of their meddling, the number of bus journeys taken in this country has fallen by over 2 billion—a decline of almost 40%—and more than 8,000 services have been cut or withdrawn entirely. In counties such as Shropshire and Devon, and across the country from Cornwall to Caithness, entire villages lost daily services, and some areas were reduced to one bus per week or none. The Bill represents a bold attempt to reverse that decline. If implemented properly, which will require more funding than currently on offer, it could be transformational, returning control over local bus networks to local communities. It would remove bureaucratic barriers to franchising, enabling local authorities to design routes, timetables, fares and branding that meet the needs of communities, while allowing profitable routes to cross-subsidise the unprofitable ones, rather than lining the pockets of big business, opening up the possibility of a more reliable, integrated and affordable network, which is so crucial for rural and deprived areas that are currently facing steep service declines. Liberal Democrats want to ensure that this legislation fulfils its potential by empowering local communities, protecting vital routes and driving the shift to greener, fairer transport. We know how important buses are to people’s daily lives. If this Bill is to succeed, it must put passengers first. That is why my hon. Friends and I have tabled so many amendments. I acknowledge that many of them will not be selected for a vote, but even at this late hour, I ask the Minister, please, to cast his eye over them to see which ones he might still accept. It is worth highlighting that no fewer than 42 amendments were accepted on Report in the Lords, 30 of them from the Government and a further six from Lord Blunkett which the Government chose to support, after some intensive behind-the-scenes lobbying by my Lib-Dem colleagues. I thank them for amendments that we re-tabled in this place to address bus fare affordability, disabled passenger access, decarbonisation of the bus fleet and the protection of socially necessary routes.

• 10 Sept 2025 · Bus Services (No. 2) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  My party supports this Bill. After decades of failure, with the deregulation orchestrated by the Tories, this is clearly a move in the right direction. It is not ambitious enough, and I regret deeply your failure to reinstate the £2 bus fare cap, the failure to remove the time limits on concessionary travel for disabled people and your failure to address—

• 10 Sept 2025 · Bus Services (No. 2) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  Those are indeed the issues that we need to address and that are not addressed at the moment—my hon. Friend is absolutely right. The poorest, who use buses the most, are already struggling with the cost of living crisis. No amount of spin can hide the fact that the Government’s decisions represents a huge fare increase, despite the Prime Minister taking to social media last month to proclaim that he was putting working people first, and that this fare rise would “cut costs” for working families. No, it will not.

• 10 Sept 2025 · Bus Services (No. 2) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  That is hugely important. If we want to get people back on the buses and help the most deprived in our society, we need to reinstate the £2 bus cap. Fares have risen to the point where many households simply cannot afford to use the bus regularly. A £2 fare cap would make a tangible difference to low-income families, students and modest earners, while also helping to reduce congestion and cut emissions by getting more people out of their cars. Sadly, new clause 1 has not been scheduled for a vote, so we will support the Conservatives’ more modest proposal, amendment 23, requiring the Secretary of State to conduct an impact assessment of the ending of the £2 bus cap. Another clause that will not be pressed to a vote is our new clause 48, which would have provided free travel for uniformed police officers in order to provide greater reassurance to the travelling public. Antisocial behaviour—and not just headphone dodging—is on the increase across the bus network, and the sight of more police officers on buses would only help to reduce that menace. Currently, there is a patchwork of different schemes covering some, but not all, bus operators, and requiring officers to produce a variety documentation to access free travel, which is not infrequently denied. Our new clause would have provided a simple baseline requiring no bureaucracy, allowing every officer in uniform to travel freely on any bus. I again ask the Minister to consider accepting that costless improvement to the safety of the bus network. I now turn to a hugely consequential cross-party amendment tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Harrogate and Knaresborough (Tom Gordon), whose work on the Bill has been thoughtful and persistent. His new clause 2 would require the Secretary of State to remove time restrictions on the use of disabled concessionary travel passes. It is supported not just by Liberal Democrats but by Members across the House, including on the Government Benches. Disabled passengers, forced to travel at restricted times under current rules, face unnecessary barriers to jobs, appointments and social inclusion. Removing time restrictions would allow them to use the bus network when they need it. It is right that the House should support this new clause, and I warmly congratulate my hon. Friend on bringing it forward. Rigid time slots reflect outdated thinking. Disabled people deserve travel choices that reflect real-life needs. If, as they claimed during their ill-fated attempt to reduce personal independence payments before the recess, the Government really want to help more disabled people back into work, removing such restrictions would be a wonderful place to start. I am delighted that Mr Speaker has selected new clause 2 for a vote, and I ask Members across the House to bear witness to the cross-party support that it has already received by voting together in support of it. In conclusion, my party welcomes the Bill, which will make a real difference to our bus network, but I call on the Government and the Minister to not allow petty party rivalry and tribalism to stand in the way of making this legislation even more effective by voting against the sensible amendments and new clauses that we have proposed.

• 10 Sept 2025 · Bus Services (No. 2) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  Those are exactly the issues that the Bill should and could address if the Minister took the bold steps we are asking of him today. In its passage through the other place, the Bill was clearly strengthened through constructive engagement across the political divide. The Government have been willing to accept sensible proposals from their lordships, so surely there can be no good reason why equally sensible amendments tabled here in the Commons could not be adopted. One such sensible proposal concerns floating bus stops. Badly designed floating bus stops are a menace to the disabled, old and infirm, and in particular to the visually impaired, which is why my party tabled new clause 17, requiring the Secretary of State not only to conduct a review, but to retrofit all existing floating bus stops where necessary. We support amendments 18 to 21, tabled by the hon. Member for Battersea (Marsha De Cordova), and welcome the Minister’s concessions on the issue. I will address the three amendments that we continue to press with most conviction before turning to new clause 2, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Harrogate and Knaresborough (Tom Gordon). Our amendment 10 addresses the scourge of headphone dodgers, which is not a trivial matter. Many passengers feel unsafe or uncomfortable when others play loud content on their devices without headphones, oblivious of those around them. That is not simply an irritation; it causes genuine distress to many trying to travel in relative peace and quiet. More than 75% of those who use public transport stated that it disturbs them, according to a recent Savanta poll. More than 80% of people in a separate YouGov poll agreed that it is unacceptable.

• 10 Sept 2025 · Bus Services (No. 2) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  I agree entirely. We need a simple rule across all public transport. I also think it is odd that the hon. Gentleman makes that point after his colleagues jeered me when I first raised the issue at Prime Minister’s questions a few months ago—but I thank him for his support now. Our amendment 10 would allow local transport authorities to introduce byelaws to prohibit such disruptive antisocial noise. It would be a simple, practical measure that would make bus travel better for everyone. Some have argued that such measures are illiberal, but liberalism—unlike libertarianism—is as concerned with responsibilities as with rights. My right to play loud content on my phone does not preclude my responsibility not to cause someone else unnecessary disturbance by failing to plug in my headphones—after all, that is why they were invented. When I first raised this issue at PMQs, as I mentioned, the Conservatives and Reform—who are not here, of course—jeered at the suggestion. I cannot say whether the right hon. Member for Basildon and Billericay (Mr Holden) or other members of the shadow Transport Front-Bench team joined in that chorus. Although the Prime Minister, in his extremely constructive answer, agreed that it was a serious issue, his Labour colleagues in Committee voted down the amendment, which the Tories also refused to support, consistent with their previous hostility. In a bizarre volte face, the Conservatives have now tabled an amendment that mirrors our own, and the shadow Transport Secretary, the right hon. Member for Basildon and Billericay, has taken to the airwaves in recent weeks to demand action on headphone dodgers, having miraculously seen the light—or at least heard the noise. Whether that was because of headphone dodgers or Conservative headquarters focus groups, I will leave others to judge. People say that imitation is the sincerest form of flattery and, despite the Conservatives’ previous mocking and blocking, I am delighted to welcome our Conservative friends to the cause. I ask the Minister to listen again—which would be a damned sight easier to do were amendment 10 accepted and the headphone dodgers were consigned to history. Without doubt, the Minister will say as he did in Committee, that the Bill already gives local transport authorities the ability to address antisocial behaviour. However, it does not explicitly reference the scourge of auditory disturbance, which is so serious a problem as surely to merit the individual attention that our amendment 10 would provide, empowering local transport authorities to create a bus environment that is safe, civil and comfortable for everyone. If the Government are serious about improving the passenger experience, they, like the late-arriving Conservatives, must surely come around to supporting this sensible Liberal Democratic policy, which according to Savanta is supported by a vast majority of the public; only 13% are opposed. New clause 1 would reinstate the £2 bus cap. The Government’s recent decision to hike the cap to £3 represents a 50% increase that will drive people off buses and hit the most vulnerable in our society.

• 2 Sept 2025 · Eating Disorders: Prevention of Deaths · Hansard source

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  I congratulate the hon. Member for Isle of Wight West (Mr Quigley) on securing this vital debate. As has been said, early intervention is vital—but sufferers and their families invariably face an overstretched and underfunded system, with services unable to meet demand and treatment offered far too late, if at all, while those who manage to get seen early on are not infrequently told, in effect, “Go away and come back when you are thinner.” It is not only difficult to get help early on, but also, at that stage, to recognise there is a problem in the first place, as my wife and I know personally. One of our daughters, who has given me permission to tell her story, suffered with an eating disorder for many years. Neither my wife Samantha nor I recognised the early signs. By the time we realised, she was deep in the grip of this terrible disease. She did not want help, and actively and strenuously tried to refuse it. Young people with eating disorders become adept at hiding them, and health education interventions can sometimes be counterproductive. My daughter told me that her PSHE—personal, social, health and economic education—lesson at school, which was supposed to educate pupils on the dangers of anorexia, was more like a how-to guide for the various means of hiding the condition from family and friends. That is why it is so important that parents, teachers and all those who work with children are better educated to be aware of potential warning signs. It is also a salutary riposte to those siren voices that, in other contexts, urge us always to accede to a child’s wishes.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I am grateful for the Minister’s flattering and sometimes unctuous words. He makes a good point about 12 months not being sufficient time to give such a report, and I acknowledge the assurances that he has given. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the motion. Clause, by leave, withdrawn . New Clause 8 Review of the Potential Conversion of Industrial Sites for Sustainable Aviation Fuel Production “(1) Within twelve months of the day on which this Act is passed, the Secretary of State must lay before Parliament and publish a report into the merits of converting disused oil refineries and other relevant existing industrial sites into facilities for the production of sustainable aviation fuel. (2) The report required under subsection (1) must include, but is not limited to— (a) an assessment of the technical and operational feasibility of such conversions; (b) an evaluation of the economic viability of such conversions; (c) the cost effectiveness of such conversions compared to new build production facilities, taking into account— (i) the ability to use existing infrastructure such as tanks and pipelines; (ii) the complexities of environmental remediation and site preparation. (iii) the availability and suitability of a skilled workforce within proximity to such sites. (d) recommendations for government actions to facilitate and incentivise such conversions, where they are deemed beneficial for enhancing the resilience and increasing the domestic production of sustainable aviation fuel industry. (3) In preparing the report required under subsection (1), the Secretary of State must consult relevant stakeholders, including, but not limited to— (a) sustainable aviation fuel producers, (b) representatives of the oil and gas industry and workforce, (c) environmental organisations, (d) local authorities, and (e) academic experts. (4) The report must be accompanied by a statement from the Secretary of State on how the findings of the report will be addressed through Government action.”— (Mr Kohler.) This new clause mandates the Secretary of State to publish a report within twelve months, reviewing the merits of converting disused oil refineries and other industrial sites for Sustainable Aviation Fuel production. Brought up, and read the First time.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time. New clause 8 calls on the Secretary of State to publish a report within 12 months on the merits of converting disused oil refineries and other existing industrial sites into sustainable aviation fuel production facilities—and there is an opportunity to have such a report early on. Many Members present, including, notably, the hon. Member for Falkirk, have spoken about the strength and possibilities of SAF to reinvigorate and reuse industrial sites. The UK has several disused oil refineries and industrial sites, which already possess critical infrastructure—storage tanks, pipelines, grid connections—and are often located near skilled workforces familiar with complex industrial processes. That presents a real opportunity to repurpose existing assets, accelerating the deployment of SAF production, supporting local economies, and reducing the cost compared with greenfield sites, but we must proceed with a clear understanding of the technical feasibility, operational requirements and environmental considerations for such conversions. Environmental remediation, site preparation and ensuring community support are complex challenges that require careful evaluation. The new clause would mandate a thorough, evidence-based report that would address such technical, economic and environmental factors, and include consultation of a wide range of stakeholders, including SAF producers, the oil and gas workforce, unions, environmental organisations, local authorities and academic experts. The findings will help the Government to shape policies and incentives that maximise the benefits of such conversions where appropriate. I do not think we can simply leave it to market mechanisms; the Government need to intervene here. This is not about preserving the fossil fuel past, but transitioning our industrial heritage and workforce, and some of our dying economies, to a new sustainable future. The UK’s industrial regions deserve a just transition that leverages their existing strengths to help to power the green economy. The new clause would be a step towards securing the resilience and growth of a domestic SAF industry that can create good jobs, strengthen supply chains and reduce reliance on imports. I urge the Minister to welcome this practical proposal, accept the new clause and commit to a clear timeline for delivering the report. The future of UK aviation depends on not only ambitious targets but pragmatic steps to make those targets achievable and bring the country with us. The new clause would help us to take one such step.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I am saddened by the Minister’s response. We cannot just leave it to the invisible hand of the market to make sure that sensible decisions are made regarding old oil refinery sites.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Such a report would not require there to be a delay. The report would be within 12 months, and we have already heard from the Minister that not much will happen within the first 12 months. That was the excuse given earlier in Committee for not doing various things. A report to focus attention on these sites would be useful and helpful, and I really cannot see why there should be any objection to it. Question put, That the clause be read a Second time.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time. If we are serious about meeting our climate obligations and economic ambitions, then transparency, accountability and evidence-led policy must be at the heart of the legislation. The ambition of the Bill to build a whole new industry is to be lauded, but it lacks the level of scrutiny that such a large project entails. The Bill sets a framework, but frameworks alone do not produce fuel. Nor do they deliver jobs, attract investment or lower emissions. We must not content ourselves with well-intentioned ambition. After previous broken promises by—I am sorry to say—the Conservatives—to have five plants up and running by now, we have already seen that ambition alone will not deliver what we need. To truly build the sustainable aviation fuel industry, we must track progress, identify bottlenecks and act on evidence. That is what the new clause provides. It demands a detailed assessment of SAF production levels, uptake by airlines and investment in infrastructure. Further, it requires the Government to consult widely with a full range of stakeholders, widely enough drawn to include employees and unions, as well as producers, suppliers, environmental experts, academics and, importantly, the communities whose lives will be affected, whether by new plants, changes in aviation demand or environmental impact. The new clause would ensure that Ministers come back to the House not with warm words but with evidence, consultation and a plan. I urge the Minister to accept it in the spirit in which it is offered—constructive, collaborative and committed to making the legislation truly fit for purpose.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  New clause 4 was of course a probing amendment, and the Minister has satisfied most of us that enough will be done to report on our progress towards net zero. I was less convinced by the Minister’s answer to new clause 5. With or without a chemistry degree, the point is a simple one: SAF is green, but some SAF is greener than other SAF. I am not convinced that the Government are yet embracing that or doing enough to work out which SAF should be pushed because it is the most beneficial to the environment. We will press new clause 5 to a Division, but not new clause 4. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the motion. Clause, by leave, withdrawn. New Clause 5 Increasing greenhouse gas saving potential of sustainable aviation fuel “(1) The Secretary of State must, within six months of the day on which this Act is passed, publish and lay before Parliament a report which sets out a strategy for increasing the greenhouse gas emission saving resulting from the promotion of sustainable aviation fuel production in the United Kingdom. (2) The report required under subsection (1) must include, but not be limited to— (a) proposals for incentivising the research and development of Sustainable Aviation Fuels that maximise greenhouse gas emission savings; (b) an assessment of, and recommendations for increases to, the minimum required greenhouse gas emission reduction in order for a Sustainable Aviation Fuel to be issued a SAF certificate; (c) an assessment of, and recommendations for increases to, minimum ratios for renewable content in blended sustainable aviation fuels, for the purpose of more quickly reducing greenhouse gas emissions. (3) Twelve months after the publication of the report required under subsection (1) and within every twelve months thereafter, the Secretary of State must publish a further report which— (a) sets out progress against the strategy, and (b) makes any necessary adjustments to the strategy as a result of developments in the sustainable aviation fuel industry. (4) In this section, “SAF certificate” has the meaning given in article 2 of the Renewable Transport Fuel Obligations (Sustainable Aviation Fuel) Order 2024.”— (Mr Kohler.) Brought up, and read the First time. Question put, That the clause be read a Second time.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  As we are all aware, aviation is one of the most challenging sectors to decarbonise and one of the fastest growing sources of emissions worldwide. While other sectors benefit from mature, low-carbon technologies, aviation remains heavily dependent on fossil jet fuel, and is one of the few industries where there is not an alternative available already. The Bill will attempt to grow the alternative industry, but it is clear that its provisions are only the first steps on a long journey to reach net zero by 2050 in aviation. If we are serious about hitting net zero by 2050, we must be equally serious about tracking our progress and course-correcting where necessary. New clause 4 would require the Secretary of State to conduct an annual review of what contribution the revenue certainty mechanism is making in helping the UK achieve its target of net zero aviation emissions by 2050. It is a simple step that would help us to understand further the impact our SAF policy is having on our net zero targets, and whether other changes or alterations will be needed in the jet zero plan. It would allow us to ensure we understand, year by year, whether we are making the progress the science demands. Are SAF volumes increasing fast enough? Are emissions falling across domestic and international routes fast enough? Are the technologies we are backing delivering real, verifiable carbon savings? To reach net zero, those are the questions we should ask, and we must ensure that we have the evidence base to do so. The new clause would help provide us with that information as a guard against complacency. New clause 5 would also contribute to our net zero responsibilities. It would require the Secretary of State to, within six months of the day on which the Bill is passed, publish and lay before a Parliament a report that sets out a strategy for increasing greenhouse gas emission savings from SAF production in the UK. It would allow us to understand and ensure that we are implementing new technologies within SAF production. The point of SAF is to reduce the carbon cycle of jet fuel. We should be vigilant in ensuring that anything marked as SAF delivers just that. New clause 5 consequently sets a minimum standard of the lifetime carbon emissions that can be classed as SAF, and ensures that that is monitored effectively. If we do not embed a culture of accountability, we risk drifting and passing legislation that sounds ambitious but fails to deliver at the pace required. With only 25 years left to decarbonise a sector that today remains overwhelming fossil fuelled, we cannot afford complacency. This Government have rightly set the bold target of net zero aviation by 2050, which the Liberal Democrats support, but targets must be matched with transparent measurement and a willingness to adapt. These new clauses would simply give us the tools to do just that, and I urge Members to support them.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  I have a brief question. When the Minister talked about the effect of £1.50 either way on airfares, was he talking about the effect of just the levy or the effect of the mandate as well? As we heard on Tuesday, the mandate will have far more of an effect on prices than the levy, given the premium that is likely to be repayable on SAF.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  I rise to speak on clause 6 and new clause 6. As we have heard, clause 6 would create a levy on fuel producers. While I do not necessarily believe that to be the wrong approach, as with much of the Bill, the devil will be in the detail that is not available for us to scrutinise here, for obvious reasons. As my hon. Friend the Member for Sutton and Cheam will make clear, there may be unintended consequences if the regulations are not designed correctly. In my opinion, leaving much of the mechanism to a later date is not necessarily a bad thing—I agree with the flexibility that is being put in place. With a new, emerging technology and industry, ensuring that the Government’s hands are not tied at this early stage is a strength, not a weakness. That notwithstanding, some assurances should be given about how the mechanism will be designed, and how the potential flaws raised in the written evidence received by the Committee will be sidestepped. I point in particular to the written evidence from Valero. Clause 6(3) implies that the levy will be based on criteria relating to the historical market share of fuel suppliers. That has been raised by those in the industry as potentially having unintended consequences. As I raised yesterday with the Minister, who I am not convinced gave me the clearest of answers, there have been worries that it may allow new market entrants not to pay any levy, as they will not have had a previous market share. Will he commit to ensuring that the levy regulations will account for such obvious loopholes? It is clear that the challenge of decarbonisation, both in aviation and beyond, is great and will not be solved without collaboration with our closest international partners. I therefore tabled new clause 6, which would require the Government to review the differences between our approach to sustainable aviation fuel and that of our European partners in the European common aviation area. With 71% of international air passengers at UK airports travelling to or from Europe, it seems sensible that we should strive to be in broad alignment with Europe with regard to SAF. I appreciate that there may be differences: in the case of the early part of our SAF mandate, we are going further and faster than the ECAA, but our European partners may accelerate beyond our thresholds later on. However, we believe it is important to remain mindful of what our partners across Europe are doing in an industry that has international competition at its very heart. The new clause would ensure that the Government are fully aware of differences in policy, and alive to any unintended consequences or differences that the Bill could result in for those in the aviation industry. We think that would be helpful. I would welcome the Minister’s observations on both the mechanism that we have suggested and the broader issue of alignment with our European partners. This is, of course, a probing clause. Can the Minister assure the Committee that the Government will keep a watching brief on what the ECAA are doing with regard to SAF from here on?

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time. New clause 3 would require the Secretary of State to publish a report within six months of the Act’s passing, reviewing how we can better secure the supply of bioethanol for use in sustainable aviation fuel production. The success of the UK’s sustainable aviation fuel ambitions will rely not only on bold targets and optimistic projections, but on the reliable availability of the resources needed for manufacturing. Bioethanol will be a resource that can be part of the manufacturing process for SAF, and help support a low-carbon industry in the UK, yet while the Government continue to laud their commitment to green aviation, they have stood by while domestic bioethanol production is at risk from Donald Trump’s bully boy tactics. Since the signing of the UK-US trade deal, the owners of two UK bioethanol plants based in Hull and Teesside have threatened to close the sites as the trade agreement fundamentally undermines their business position. This Government have given US ethanol producers a 1.4 billion litre tariff-free quota—equivalent to the UK’s entire annual demand for the product—and completely undercut the industry, making the UK vulnerable to the whims of, to put it at its mildest, the mercurial Trump Administration. The new clause would require the Government to assess the impact of plant closures on SAF production potential, set out options to mitigate supply risks and, crucially, recommend the policy steps needed to promote a stable domestic supply of bioethanol. We cannot afford to leave this to chance, or to the good will of a US President who, as we all know, simply cannot be trusted. If the Government are serious about scaling up SAF production, they must ensure that the raw materials are available. That means a proper strategy to support and stabilise the UK’s bioethanol sector.

• 17 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  I hear what the Minister says, but we think that not enough is being done to protect the bioethanol industry in this country. We will therefore push the new clause to a vote. Question put, That the clause be read a Second time.

• 16 Jul 2025 · Blue Badge Eligibility · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Sir Christopher. I congratulate the hon. Member for Maidstone and Malling (Helen Grant) on securing this debate, and her constituent, Sandy, on bravely campaigning on this issue. It is people like her who make a real difference to this world—thank you. A cancer diagnosis does not simply change someone’s medical needs; it changes the course of their life. Even the most basic tasks can become physically painful and emotionally draining. It may be a short-term issue during recovery or represent a permanent shift. In these circumstances, a blue badge can offer crucial support, making it easier to access vital services and maintain a degree of independence. The blue badge scheme provides essential parking concessions to help people with significant mobility challenges to park close to their destination, whether they are the driver or passenger. Cancer treatment side effects, such as fatigue from chemotherapy, chronic pain or nerve damage, can all severely limit mobility. However, despite the profound and often sudden impact of such conditions, many people living with cancer or other life-altering illnesses, as we have already heard today, find they do not automatically qualify for a blue badge. The cost of travelling to medical appointments is already high, and for those undergoing frequent treatments and tests, it quickly adds up. Research shows that 93% of young cancer patients and their families travel to hospital by car and need a place to park. Furthermore, 71% say they struggle to afford travel costs, with parking charges contributing to an extra £250 a month. Many also report that parking arrangements at hospitals are inadequate. The charity Young Lives vs Cancer cited one parent who described hospital parking as a lottery: “I can probably win the lottery better than I can get a parking space.” In my constituency, a resident contacted me about her 83-year-old husband, who has blood cancer and neuropathy, uses a wheelchair, and cannot walk. Despite that, Labour’s Merton council lost his blue badge application, forcing his wife to resubmit it. That is unacceptable, and it highlights the pressing need for the more seamless blue badge process that we are advocating. In other cases, the criteria for blue badge eligibility fail to map neatly on to fluctuating conditions such as cancer. That is why the Lib Dems are calling for a comprehensive review of the legislative framework for the blue badge scheme, as is everyone in the Chamber, I think. Like my hon. Friend the Member for West Dorset (Edward Morello) and the hon. Member for Chatham and Aylesford (Tristan Osborne), we want it to be more responsive to real-world need, more compassionate in its interpretation of eligibility and more efficient in delivery. We also urge the Government to take advantage of their ambition for a single patient record. Much of the infrastructure exists already, particularly in cancer care. It is entirely feasible to implement an automatic offer of a blue badge where clinical records show clear mobility changes, as so eloquently argued for by the hon. Members for Strangford (Jim Shannon) and for Chatham and Aylesford. Smaller but important changes we could make include amending blue badge signage, which we support, to clarify that not all disabilities are visible. That would help to reduce stigma and the misunderstanding faced by many users of the scheme. We are also pushing to ban discriminatory practices by taxis and private hire vehicles with a clear national standard for what an accessible city should be. We remain firmly committed to improving accessibility across society. Public transport in particular must work for everyone, and we are campaigning for train stations around the country to meet essential accessibility standards, such as step-free access, safer and more inclusive platform designs, and level boarding wherever possible. Things such as that and blue badge accessibility are crucial to a society that cares for everyone and has an inclusive approach to how we live our lives. Ultimately, we need a system that is fairer, simpler and more humane, one that recognises the challenges posed by cancer and chronic illness, even when those challenges do not fit neatly into a tick-box form or an online mechanism. A blue badge can mean being able to go to work, to reach a hospital, to attend a support group, or simply to visit a friend. It is about dignity, independence and inclusion. The very least we can do is to ensure that the system works as it should. Cancer and serious illness take so much from individuals and their families, access to parking should not be another burden that they are forced to carry.

• 15 Jul 2025 · Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Some of the evidence we have received from the contributors to the consultation expressed concern over the levy calculation. Under clause 6, it could be based on historic market share. Do you share those concerns about complications in the levy calculation? Should it be a simple levy placed on sales going forward, rather than on historic market share? Ruben van Grinsven: Again, that is hard to judge because we do not have the full details of how this is going to be done. I agree that it is a very thin-margin business, so we have to make sure that the levy is distributed properly, and that we do not give certain people a disadvantage or advantage just based on calculation methods. We need to design it very carefully so we do not disturb the market too much. We will be able to assess that much better when we have more details about the Bill.