Matt Vickers MP: speeches

Speeches

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Ninth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move amendment 36, in clause 59, page 59, line 11, at end insert— “(11) If a relevant offender does not comply with the requirements of this section, they shall be liable to a fine not exceeding Level 4 on the standard scale.” This amendment imposes a fine of up to £2,500 if a registered sex offender does not notify the police when they change their name.

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Ninth sitting) · Hansard source

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  The clause updates and strengthens the current offence of sexual activity involving a corpse, as set out in section 70 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003. The revised provisions broaden the scope of the offence by replacing the term “sexual penetration” with the more encompassing term “sexual activity”. The clause replicates a provision of the Conservative Government’s Criminal Justice Bill, which fell due to the 2024 general election. The change ensures that any form of intentional sexual touching of a dead body—not just acts of penetration—will be captured by the law. Many members of the public are shocked to hear that these vile and horrific offences take place, and will be further shocked that some of this activity is not covered by the law. Currently, section 70 of the 2003 Act defines the offence of sexual penetration of a corpse. That offence applies when a person intentionally sexually penetrates the body of a deceased individual, and knows or is reckless as to whether the body is that of a deceased person. The offence carries a maximum sentence of two years’ imprisonment. As the Minister mentioned, the provision was notably used in the high-profile case of David Fuller, a former hospital electrician who was convicted under section 70 for multiple instances of sexual penetration involving the bodies of at least 100 women and girls in hospital mortuaries. However, the current scope of section 70 does not extend to non-penetrative sexual acts, so it could not have been used to prosecute further allegations against Fuller relating to other forms of sexual activity with the bodies of his victims. Under this legislation, a person commits an offence if they intentionally touch a part of a dead person’s body, with that touching being sexual in nature, and if they either know or are reckless as to the fact that the body is that of a deceased person. The clause also provides a new, tiered sentencing structure. Where the sexual activity involves penetration, the offence carries a maximum penalty of seven years’ imprisonment. In all other cases, the maximum penalty is five years. These sentencing thresholds aim to reflect the seriousness of the conduct, while allowing courts flexibility to reflect the nature of the offence. The new offence introduces different maximum sentences depending on whether penetration is involved. Can the Minister explain how these sentencing thresholds were determined, and have the Government considered how the updated offence aligns with comparable offences in other jurisdictions? Does this bring us into line with international best practice?

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Ninth sitting) · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to have you in the Chair, Dr Allin-Khan. Clause 56 introduces schedule 8, which sets out new or amended provisions concerning criminal offences related to the taking, sharing or misuse of intimate photographs without consent, as well as acts of voyeurism. We very much welcome the measures being brought forward. Many members of the public may be surprised that there is currently no single criminal offence that covers intimate image abuse. In July 2022, the Law Commission completed its review of the laws surrounding the taking, creation and distribution of intimate images without consent. It described the current legal framework as fragmented and outdated, highlighting the fact that existing offences had not kept pace with advances in technology or changes in patterns of sexual offending. The then Conservative Government intended to use the Criminal Justice Bill to introduce a range of complementary offences to tackle the taking or recording of such images, as well as installing equipment to enable a person to commit a taking or recording offence, before the Bill fell ahead of the 2024 general election. As such, we welcome clause 56 and the measures in schedule 8. Schedule 8 is intended to strengthen legal protections against such offences, reflect modern technology and behaviours, and ensure that victims of these deeply intrusive acts are better safeguarded and supported through the criminal justice system. These offences aim to address harmful behaviours such as secretly filming or photographing someone in a sexual or private context without their knowledge or consent. There are three main offences: one for taking or recording an intimate image without consent; one where the act is done to cause distress or humiliation; and another where it is done for sexual gratification. The legislation also provides certain exemptions, including where the person had a reasonable belief in consent, or where images were taken for legitimate purposes, such as medical care or by family members in certain situations. It also clarifies that images taken in public, where a person has no reasonable expectation of privacy, are generally excluded. The new offences carry different penalties depending on the intent behind the act. The general offence is punishable by up to six months imprisonment or a fine, while the more serious offences, involving intent to harm or sexual gratification, carry a maximum sentence of two years. Clause 56 also introduces offences for installing or maintaining equipment, such as hidden cameras, with the intent to commit these acts. This ensures that preparatory behaviour intended to facilitate such invasions of privacy is also criminalised. Overall, the clause rightly strengthens the legal framework around image-based abuse and helps to protect people from intimate violations in both private and public settings. Being filmed or photographed in an intimate or vulnerable situation without consent is a deep violation of privacy and dignity. Victims often experience long-lasting emotional and psychological effects. In some cases, the fear of images being shared online can lead to isolation, damage to personal relationships, and even job loss or reputational harm. We know how much that particularly impacts specific groups—research suggests that up to 90% of victims of intimate image abuse are women. By criminalising not only the taking and sharing of intimate images without consent, but the installation of equipment intended to facilitate such acts, the law sends a clear message that those behaviours are unacceptable and will not be tolerated. These changes also help to close existing legal gaps, offering victims stronger protection and greater confidence that their experiences will be taken seriously. Importantly, the new offences allow for appropriate punishment that reflects the severity of the harm caused while also deterring future offenders. This is a vital step in modernising the law to reflect the realities of abuse in the digital age. It would be useful to understand whether the voyeurism element of these proposals is sufficient in cases of extortion. The National Crime Agency and other organisations have launched campaigns to highlight the dangers of extortion involving intimate images. The Law Commission’s study highlights reports of its prevalence among young men, with some estimates suggesting that young men account for 90% of victims. In cases where consent is initially given, does existing law sufficiently protect individuals who are subsequently extorted? It may be the case that this clause is not the place to address that, and that the Government feel that sufficient powers already exist. I am keen to hear the Minister’s views on that.

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Ninth sitting) · Hansard source

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  The clause updates the offence of exposure set out in section 66 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003. The current legislation criminalises a person who intentionally exposes their genitals intending that someone will see them and experience alarm or distress. With technologies ever expanding, the last Conservative Government’s efforts to modernise the legal framework in response to the Law Commission’s 2021 report “Modernising Communications Offences” included the addition of a cyber-flashing offence aimed at better addressing the realities of digital abuse and ensuring that the law keeps pace with the increasing use of technology to commit sexual offences. The clause rightly expands that to cover not just situations where the individual exposes their genitals to cause alarm or distress, but those where they do so for the purpose of sexual gratification and are reckless as to whether the exposure may cause alarm, distress or humiliation to someone who sees it. That follows the Law Commission’s reporting that it had received evidence indicating that limiting the offence to cases where there was intent to cause alarm or distress was too restrictive. It found that motivations such as seeking sexual gratification or aiming to humiliate the victim were also significant factors behind exposure-related behaviour. The Minister made a clear case for this change to the law, but also set out the impact that such behaviour can have or lead to. Exposing yourself in public, often referred to as flashing, is a serious and unacceptable criminal offence. It is not just inappropriate; it can cause genuine fear, distress and long-term psychological harm to those who witness it, especially when the victim is a child or vulnerable person. Flashing is not a harmless prank or joke; it is a violation of personal boundaries and can be deeply traumatic. It demonstrates a lack of respect for others and a disregard for the basic right to feel safe in public spaces. This kind of behaviour erodes trust in the community and contributes to a culture of intimidation and discomfort. It is right that we take every measure to stop indecent exposure. Proposed new section 66(1A) of the 2003 Act aims to introduce a safeguard by excluding certain scenarios, where the exposure is intended only for a specific person or group, from the offence. In such cases, the offence will not be committed under the sexual gratification limb unless the individual is also reckless as to whether one or more of those people will be caused alarm, distress or humiliation. This provision seeks to ensure that consensual acts of nudity—for example, between partners in a secluded area—are not criminalised simply because they are accidentally witnessed by a third party. The clause will help to ensure that perpetrators of sexually motivated public exposure, such as flashing, can be held to account even if they deny intending to cause harm. The revised wording offers greater clarity for law enforcement and the courts, ensuring that such harmful behaviours are prosecuted more effectively while also providing reasonable protections for consensual and private conduct. It has been reported that flashing offences have doubled in a decade, with more than 1,000 instances of indecent exposure being reported to the police every month, but barely one in 10 leads to a charge. In the light of that, can the Minister confirm whether she is confident that new subsection (1A) will not inadvertently create a loophole for perpetrators to evade accountability by claiming that their exposure was intended for only a particular person?

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Ninth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Opposition amendment 36 introduces a financial penalty for a registered sex offender who fails to notify the police of a name change. The penalty, set at a fine not exceeding £2,500, aims to ensure that offenders remain fully accountable for complying with the notification requirements under the Sexual Offences Act 2003. The failure to notify the police of a change in name could undermine the effectiveness of the existing system designed to monitor and track sex offenders, making it crucial to incentivise full adherence to the notification process. Sexual offences are among the most serious and traumatic crimes, leaving deep and lasting harm on victims, emotionally, psychologically and socially. These offences often involve a profound breach of trust and personal safety, with long-term consequences for victims’ wellbeing and mental health. The most severe cases can shatter lives and destroy families. Because of the gravity and impact of these crimes, it is vital that society sets a clear and uncompromising message that such behaviour will not be tolerated, including in the conditions and requirements that follow conviction.

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I will press the amendment to a Division. Question put, That the amendment be made.

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Proposed new section 7A of the Protection from Harassment Act 1997 is a positive step, as it allows the Secretary of State to issue formal guidance to public authorities in England and Wales on stalking-related matters. That includes the interpretation and application of relevant provisions in the 1997 Act, the Stalking Protection Act 2019, and the Sentencing Act 2020. This guidance will help to ensure that those working across the criminal justice system and other public services, such as the police, the Crown Prosecution Service and local authorities, have a consistent and accurate understanding of the law and best practice in responding to stalking. It strengthens victim protection by promoting a co-ordinated and informed response, supports earlier identification of stalking behaviours, and provides a clearer framework for agencies to act before harm escalates. Clause 72 gives significant responsibility to the Secretary of State to issue guidance to chief officers of police on the disclosure of police information for the purpose of protecting individuals from risks related to stalking. This power includes using existing police common-law powers to disclose relevant information, such as the identity of online stalkers, to victims of stalking. The guidance can be revised as needed. Before any issuance or revision, the Secretary of State is required to consult with relevant parties, including the National Police Chiefs’ Council and any other stakeholders deemed appropriate. Importantly, the Secretary of State must also ensure that the guidance is published and accessible. This new provision aims to improve the safety of stalking victims by ensuring that the police have clear and consistent guidance on disclosing information that could help to protect those at risk, particularly in cases of online stalking. Making it mandatory for police officers to consider this guidance increases the likelihood that appropriate actions will be taken in situations where the disclosure of information could prevent further harm to victims. How do the Government intend to ensure that the guidance issued by the Secretary of State is effectively implemented across all stakeholders, particularly in areas where stalking cases may not be as prevalent?

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Clause 64 amends the Sexual Offences Act 2003 to make changes to the review process for offenders in England and Wales who are subject to indefinite notification requirements. These changes specifically apply to offenders sentenced to a term of imprisonment of 30 months or more. Under the current law, offenders subject to indefinite notification must comply with notification requirements for a minimum of 15 years, or eight years for juveniles, before they may apply to the police to review their requirements. The police, working alongside other multi-agency public protection arrangement agencies when appropriate, will review these requirements to determine whether they are still necessary to protect the public from sexual harm. One of the significant changes introduced by clause 64 is the concept of an own motion review. This allows the chief officer of police to initiate a review of an offender’s indefinite notification requirements without the offender needing to apply. The chief officer can assess whether an offender still needs to comply with the notification requirements, based on the risk they pose to the public. While the review process can begin only once the minimum review period has elapsed, the chief officer of police must notify the offender that they are initiating a review and allow the offender to make representations. The police must also inform the responsible bodies, such as the Probation Service, and seek any relevant information they hold. Once the offender has had an opportunity to make their case, the chief officer must make a determination within six weeks. If the decision is to end the notification requirements, they cease immediately. Clause 65 introduces new paragraphs 6A to 6D to schedule 3A to the 2003 Act, establishing provisions for own motion reviews in Northern Ireland that mirror those set out in the new sections for England and Wales. Is the Minister confident that own motion reviews of indefinite notification requirements will not undermine public safety, and how can we ensure that the decision-making process in these reviews is transparent, and that there is adequate oversight to hold the responsible authorities accountable?

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Section 96B of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 grants police officers the authority to apply for a warrant to enter and search a relevant offender’s home when necessary for assessing their risk. Currently, that application can be made only by an officer of at least the rank of superintendent. The police typically seek and execute such warrants when an offender refuses to allow the police entry to their home, thus hindering the risk-assessment process. The clause amends section 96B by altering the application process. Instead of requiring a senior officer of at least superintendent rank to apply for the warrant, proposed new subsection (1) would allow an application to be made by a police officer, but it must first be approved by an “appropriate officer”. That term is further clarified in proposed new subsection (10) to mean a constable who is authorised to make the application by a constable of at least the rank of inspector. That change rightly aims to streamline the process while ensuring that officers of appropriate rank and authority can make the necessary applications to protect the public and assess offenders’ risks effectively. How big an impact does the Minister anticipate that allowing officers of lower rank to apply for warrants will have on the efficiency and speed of police operations when carrying out the risk assessments? Will thought be given to the relevant training for the appropriate officers in such circumstances?

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Proposed new section 1(1A) of the 1984 Act addresses a deeply concerning and potentially damaging loophole by making it an offence for a person connected to a child to detain that child abroad after initially taking or sending them out of the UK with proper consent, unless they continue to have that consent. That ensures that consent must be maintained throughout and not just at the point of departure. The 2012 judicial review highlighted a potential gap in the legal framework under section 1 of the Child Abduction Act 1984. The issue arose in situations where a parent lawfully took or sent a child out of the UK with the required consent, but then failed to return the child once the agreed period ended. The case involved Nicholas Nicolaou, who in 2007 arranged for his son to visit him in Cyprus for a limited time, in accordance with a court order. However, he did not return his son to the UK when the permitted visit expired. Following unsuccessful attempts to resolve the matter through the family courts, a warrant was issued for Nicolaou’s arrest. Nicolaou challenged the warrant through judicial review, arguing that he had not committed an offence under section 1 of the 1984 Act. His reasoning was that his son had been taken out of the UK with the appropriate consent, and that section 1 covers only the act of removal, not the failure to return a child thereafter. The High Court upheld Nicolaou’s claim, agreeing that section 1 applies only to the removal of a child from the UK, and that what matters legally is whether consent was in place at the moment the child left the country. As a result, the High Court granted Nicolaou’s application for judicial review, exposing this serious loophole in the existing legislation.

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Clause 74 creates a new criminal offence targeting individuals who intentionally carry out acts capable of encouraging or assisting another person to seriously self-harm. Crucially, the offence goes beyond previous legislation, such as section 184 of the Online Safety Act 2023, by covering not just verbal or digital communications, but any form of direct or indirect action. That includes, for example, physically providing someone with an object like a blade to use for self-harm. The new offence is based on a recommendation from the Law Commission, which proposed criminalising the intentional encouragement or assistance of serious self-harm. The proposal was modelled on the existing offence of encouraging or assisting suicide, as set out in the Suicide Act 1961. The Law Commission highlighted the need for any such offence to be carefully and narrowly defined to ensure that vulnerable individuals, particularly those who share self-harm content online, are not unintentionally criminalised. Subsection (1) sets out the core of the offence. A person commits it if they carry out “an act capable of encouraging or assisting the serious self-harm of another person” and they did so with the intent that such harm would be caused. Subsection (2) clarifies that the offender does not need to know who the victim is. The offence still applies if the act is aimed at an unknown or unidentified individual, such as in the case of anonymous online posts targeting vulnerable people. Subsection (3) states that an offence is committed whether or not serious self-harm actually takes place. The focus is on the intent and the potential for harm, not the outcome. Self-harm is a deeply concerning issue that affects people of all ages, but especially young people and those struggling with mental health challenges. It involves deliberately causing pain or injury to oneself as a way of coping with overwhelming emotional distress, anxiety, trauma or feelings of numbness and hopelessness. The physical risks of self-harm can be severe, ranging from permanent scarring and infections to life-threatening injuries and even accidental death. The psychological toll is often even more damaging. Those who self-harm frequently experience shame, isolation and a deepening of the very mental health struggles that led them to harm themselves in the first place. It is not just the individuals who suffer. Families, friends, schools and communities are all affected. Loved ones often feel helpless or guilty, and support systems can become strained. In many cases, self-harm can escalate to suicidal ideation or attempts, making early intervention critical. The rise of online content that normalises or encourages self-harm has made the issue even more urgent. Vulnerable individuals can be influenced or manipulated into dangerous behaviours by others, sometimes even strangers, through social media or online forums. The law must recognise and respond to this modern reality to better protect those at risk. Tackling self-harm requires not just healthcare support and early intervention, but strong legal tools to prevent others from encouraging or facilitating this deeply harmful behaviour. Clause 74 takes an important step in that direction. Clause 75 strengthens the framework around the offence of encouraging or assisting serious self-harm by closing potential loopholes in enforcement. It ensures that individuals who arrange for others to carry out a harmful act are equally accountable if those acts are carried out, even if indirectly. The provision also captures cases where the intended harm could not physically occur, such as when a person mistakenly believes a harmless item will cause harm, or when the planned outcome does not materialise as expected. That underlines that liability can arise from intention and belief, not just outcome. Furthermore, the clause draws a clear boundary for internet service providers, confirming that they will not be held criminally responsible solely for providing the platform through which harmful content is transmitted. The provision aligns with broader legislative changes by removing overlapping measures in existing law, ensuring clarity and consistency in how such offences are addressed. I would be grateful if the Minister would outline what further steps might be under consideration to ensure that platforms and tech companies have a legal duty to report and remove harmful content, and that this provision is implemented alongside adequate mental health support.

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

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  The clause introduces a new and significant change to the Sexual Offences Act 2003 through the insertion of proposed new section 87A. This change provides for registered sex offenders to give their notifications virtually, in specific conditions, as opposed to attending the police station in person. The provision is designed to make the notification process more flexible and efficient, while still ensuring public safety and compliance with the law. The core idea behind the clause is to allow individuals to submit their notifications virtually, such as through video calls or similar technologies. However, the virtual submission of notifications will be allowed only when specific conditions are met, as set out in the clause. Will the Minister clarify how senior police officers will determine when it is safe to allow offenders to submit their notifications virtually instead of attending a police station in person? What specific factors will be considered in the risk assessment to ensure that public safety is not compromised? Under what circumstances can a senior police officer revoke the permission for virtual notifications, and how quickly can the decision be made?

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move amendment 44, in clause 73, page 88, line 33, after “aggrieve” insert “, take revenge on, prank,”.

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Stalking is a deeply harmful and invasive crime that can have severe, long-lasting effects on victims. The impacts of stalking go far beyond the initial fear that it instils. It can completely disrupt a person’s sense of safety, security and control over their own life. Victims of stalking often experience intense psychological distress, ranging from anxiety and depression to post-traumatic stress disorder. The constant feeling of being watched, harassed or threatened can lead to chronic stress, sleep disturbances and a diminished quality of life. In extreme cases, victims may even alter their daily routine, change their contact information or move to new locations to escape the perpetrator’s unwanted attention. The emotional and psychological toll on victims extends to their families and loved ones. Friends and family members of stalking victims often share in the anxiety and fear, feeling helpless as they watch someone they care about fall victim. Relationships may become strained as the victim withdraws or becomes hypervigilant, and families may find themselves taking additional security measures to protect the victim. The overall sense of instability can erode trust and safety within the victim’s support network, leaving everyone involved emotionally drained. The Suzy Lamplugh Trust, a leading charity focused on personal safety and stalking, defines stalking as “a pattern of fixated and obsessive behaviour which is repeated, persistent, intrusive and causes fear of violence or engenders alarm and distress in the victim.” It is right that, under the Protection of Freedoms Act 2012, steps were taken to legislate for the criminalisation of stalking. The Suzy Lamplugh Trust highlighted: “Section 2A labels stalking as a criminal offence for the first time in English and Welsh Law.” I am proud of the steps that the previous Government took to take action against this terrible crime, and I support the current Government in their efforts to reduce its prevalence. Clause 69 amends the Stalking Protection Act 2019 to strengthen the ability of courts to impose stalking protection orders, even when criminal proceedings do not result in a conviction. It will insert proposed new section A1, which defines what a stalking protection order is: an order that can impose prohibitions or requirements on a person to prevent acts associated with stalking. It clarifies that SPOs may now be made on application by the police or following an acquittal, appeal or finding of insanity or disability. I would be grateful if the Minister could expand on how the Government will ensure that the power is used proportionately and not seen to be circumventing due process, particularly in cases of acquittal. As the Minister will know, in November 2022, the Suzy Lamplugh Trust, acting on behalf of the National Stalking Consortium, submitted a super-complaint highlighting serious and widespread concerns about how the police respond to stalking. The complaint identified systemic issues, including a lack of understanding among officers about what behaviours amount to stalking. It also criticised the quality of investigations, stating that, even when stalking is correctly identified, police often fail to handle these cases appropriately. The head of external affairs at Women’s Aid, Isabelle Younane, emphasised that changes to stalking protection orders will only be effective if the root issues are tackled. She stressed the need for the police and other agencies to have a consistent understanding of the orders and to apply them properly, ensuring that breaches result in meaningful consequences. Is the Minister confident that the police have the capacity, training and resources to effectively address stalking cases in line with the measures in the Bill? Proposed new section 364A of the sentencing code introduces the concept of a stalking protection order designed to prevent individuals from engaging in stalking behaviours. The order can include both prohibitions and requirements. Subsection (2) directs readers to section 2A of the Protection from Harassment Act 1997 for examples of behaviours associated with stalking. Subsection (3) provides that an SPO may be time-limited or indefinite; if time-limited, subsection (4) mandates a minimum duration of two years. Allowing a stalking protection order to be time-limited or indefinite will mean that the courts can tailor orders to individual cases. In some situations, an indefinite order may be necessary to protect victims from ongoing risk, while in others a fixed-term order may be more appropriate. This measure can help to ensure long-term protection. Requiring a minimum duration of two years for a time- limited SPO will ensure that victims receive meaningful protection. Short-term orders may not give victims the reassurance and safety they need, especially in cases where stalking behaviours persist or escalate over time. Has consideration been given to increasing the minimum period to allow for sufficient victim protection? Proposed new section 364B of the sentencing code gives courts the power to impose an SPO following a conviction. The court must be satisfied that the offender has committed acts associated with stalking, that there is a continuing risk of stalking to another person, and that the order is necessary to protect that individual. That can include cases where the stalker targets people close to the main victim—for example, friends or family—to cause distress to the main victim. These provisions are a positive and necessary step in strengthening protections for stalking victims. They recognise that perpetrators often target people close to the victim, such as friends, family members or colleagues, in order to cause distress, and they reflect the reality that stalking is used as a form of psychological manipulation and control. Including those indirect victims within the scope of protection will ensure a more comprehensive and preventive approach. Requiring every restriction or requirement in the order to be necessary for the protection of the individual at risk builds in an important safeguard and ensures that conditions are proportionate and directly linked to the risk presented. It balances the rights of the defendant while prioritising victim safety. Furthermore, allowing courts to consider conduct that took place anywhere, including behaviour predating the new legislation, will ensure that they can take a holistic view of the stalker’s actions. This flexibility will enhance the effectiveness of orders and ensure that victims are not left unprotected simply because of jurisdictional or timing technicalities. Proposed new section 364C of the sentencing code provides more detail on how prohibitions and requirements in a stalking protection order should be framed and applied. It requires that, where practicable, any conditions imposed must not conflict with the offender’s religious beliefs or interfere with their usual work or education commitments. It also confirms that SPOs have a UK-wide effect, unless specifically restricted to a certain area. Additionally, where an individual is already subject to an SPO, the court must ensure that any new conditions do not contradict those already in place. That will help to avoid confusion and ensure consistency in enforcement. How confident is the Minister that the need to protect victims is not undermined by the requirement to avoid interfering with an offender’s work, education, or religious practices? Proposed new section 364G of the sentencing code makes it clear that breaching the terms of a stalking protection order without reasonable excuse is a criminal offence. It will be for the court to determine what qualifies as a reasonable excuse in an individual case. The offence carries a maximum penalty of six months’ imprisonment, a fine, or both, on summary conviction, and up to five years’ imprisonment, a fine, or both, on conviction on indictment. Subsection (3) states specifically that courts cannot issue a conditional discharge for breaching an SPO. How will the Government ensure that the penalties for breaching an SPO are proportionate? Are courts being encouraged to take breaches seriously, even when no new criminal offence has occurred? Can the Minister clarify what might constitute a reasonable excuse for breaching an SPO and how consistent the courts are likely to be in applying that standard?

• 24 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Tenth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Clause 73 modernises and strengthens the law on the administration of harmful substances, including offences commonly referred to as spiking. It repeals outdated provisions in the Offences against the Person Act 1861, specifically sections 22 and 23, and replaces section 24 with a more comprehensive and clear offence. Spiking can have a devastating and long-lasting impact on victims, both physically and psychologically. Victims often experience immediate symptoms, such as nausea, disorientation, memory loss and the loss of consciousness, placing them at serious risk of harm, including assault or injury. Beyond the immediate physical danger, the psychological effects can be profound and enduring. Many victims report anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder and a persistent sense of vulnerability or fear, particularly in social situations. The trauma is often compounded by the fact that victims may be unable to recall events clearly, leading to feelings of confusion, helplessness and self-doubt. Furthermore, the social stigma and lack of visible support can discourage victims from reporting incidents, deepening the emotional toll. Spiking undermines a person’s basic sense of safety, and its impact can ripple far beyond the initial incident, affecting relationships, social confidence and overall mental health. Between May 2022 and April 2023, the police received 6,732 reports of spiking incidents, including 957 involving needle spiking. On average, around 561 reports were made each month. Despite the volume of reports, gathering reliable national data on spiking remains challenging. There is currently no comprehensive dataset that accurately reflects the prevalence of the crime. Although the Ministry of Justice records data on certain offences, it logs only the principal offence for which a person is convicted and sentenced. Since spiking can fall under a variety of criminal charges, it is difficult to determine how often it leads to prosecution or conviction. The police do collect incident-level data, and some campaign groups conduct surveys, but these sources do not provide a full picture of how widespread, or effectively prosecuted, spiking is. Under proposed new section 24 of the 1861 Act, it is an offence to unlawfully administer or cause another person to be administered a harmful substance, with a “harmful substance” being defined as “any poison or other destructive or noxious thing”, with the intent to injure, aggrieve, or annoy. This modernised wording explicitly covers a broader range of harmful conduct, including situations in which harmful substances are covertly introduced into a person’s drink or otherwise ingested without their knowledge or consent, which has been an issue of growing public concern in recent years. The offence carries serious penalties. On summary conviction in a magistrates court in England and Wales, an offender may face up to the general maximum term of imprisonment or a fine, or both. In Northern Ireland, the summary conviction maximum is six months’ imprisonment or a fine up to the statutory limit, or both. On indictment, the maximum penalty increases to 10 years’ imprisonment or a fine, or both. By updating this area of law, the Government will ensure that the criminal justice system has a more robust and relevant tool to tackle spiking and related offences, enhancing victim protection and enabling tougher sentences where appropriate. The charity Stamp Out Spiking, which has long campaigned for a dedicated spiking offence, described the proposed new offence as “a rallying call to empower victims” to report incidents. However, the charity also emphasised that the new law is just one element of a broader solution. It stressed that effective collaboration between police, transport providers, venues and support organisations such as Stamp Out Spiking is essential to creating safer environments and rebuilding public confidence in nightlife and public spaces. Does the Minister accept that legislation alone is not enough and that a co-ordinated strategy involving education, prevention and enforcement is needed to truly tackle spiking? Will she commit to furthering the delivery of a joined-up approach to tackling spiking? Amendment 44 expands the scope of intent behind the offence of administering harmful substances, including by spiking. By inserting the words “take revenge on, prank” after “aggrieve”, the amendment makes it clear that the offence applies not only when a person administers a harmful substance with the intention to injure, aggrieve or annoy, but when the intent is to take revenge or play a prank. That broadens the legal coverage of the offence to reflect real-world cases in which spiking is carried out as an act of retaliation or as a so-called joke. It would ensure that such behaviour is recognised as criminal regardless of whether the perpetrator believed it to be harmless or amusing. Take the example of Gillian Reilly, a nursing student who experienced a harrowing incident when a friend spiked her drink as a laugh during a celebration at her university’s students’ union bar. Initially attributing her symptoms—dizziness, sharp stomach pains and violent nausea—to overconsumption of alcohol, she soon realised that something was amiss. Her condition deteriorated to the point where she feared for her life. She said: “I felt so unwell I honestly thought I was going to die.” The revelation that a friend was responsible for the spiking was particularly shocking, highlighting that threats can come from familiar individuals, not just strangers. The incident underscores the severe physical and psychological impacts of spiking, and emphasises the need for increased awareness and preventive measures, particularly in university settings. The Alcohol Education Trust said that spiking cases always surge during the first term of the new academic year, but that suspected incidents had reached frightening new levels, with the National Police Chiefs’ Council revealing that there were 198 spiking incidents, including 24 via injection, across the UK in just two months. The Drinkaware monitor survey from 2022 showed that, in most cases, no additional crime had occurred after an individual was drugged. However, where an additional crime did take place, 8.4% involved so-called pranks. That suggests that such a mentality is relevant to the intentions behind the offence. If we are to legislate on this matter, we must ensure that robust laws are in place to support effective prosecution.

• 3 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Given the historically low number of prosecutions in this area, does the Minister believe that the new offence will provide the necessary legal framework to improve enforcement, to increase accountability for perpetrators, and to ensure that more cases result in successful prosecutions? Furthermore, what additional steps, if any, does she perceive being necessary to support the implementation of the provision and enhance its impact?

• 3 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I am sure that is right there in the Minister’s brief—

• 3 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I join the Minister in thanking and congratulating those who have campaigned to deliver this important change. Clause 17 rightly introduces a new criminal offence targeting adults who exploit children by coercing or encouraging them to engage in criminal activities. It is designed to address the growing problem of gangs, drug networks and other criminal groups using children to carry out illegal acts such as drug trafficking, theft or violence. Child criminal exploitation is a scourge on our society —one that ruins lives, fuels violence and allows dangerous criminals to operate in the shadows, free from consequence. For too long, gangs and organised crime groups have preyed on the most vulnerable in our communities, grooming children, exploiting them and coercing them into a life of crime. These criminals do not see children as young people with futures; they see them as disposable assets, easily manipulated, easily threatened, and, in their eyes, easily replaced. This exploitation is frequently linked to county lines drug trafficking, where children are exploited and coerced into transporting drugs across different regions. According to the Home Office, a key characteristic of county lines operations is “the exploitation of children, young people and vulnerable adults,” who are directed to transport, store or safeguard drugs, money or weapons for dealers or users, both locally and across the country. Child exploitation is linked to a broad range of criminal activities, from local street gangs operating on a postcode basis to highly sophisticated organised crime groups with cross-border operations. The UK Government’s serious and organised crime strategy estimates that organised crime, including county lines drug networks, costs the country £47 billion annually. A single county line can generate as much as £800,000 in revenue each year. Under the previous Conservative Government, the Home Office launched the county lines programme in 2019 to tackle the harmful drug supply model, which devastates lives through exploitation, coercion and violence. County lines gangs often target the most vulnerable people, manipulating and coercing them into debt and forcing them to transport and sell drugs. A key part of the county lines programme lies in victim support, to ensure that young people and their families have the support they need as they escape the gangs. More than 2,000 county lines were dismantled between June 2022 and December 2023, as the Government hit their target of closing thousands of those criminal networks early.

• 3 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  The Minister would have a better chance of knowing that than even me. But I will tell her what: one case is one too many, and that is why I am glad to see the Bill, which will bring forward measures to tackle just that. Between April 2022 and September 2023, more than 4,000 arrests were made, while 4,800 vulnerable people caught up in those vile operations were offered support to turn their lives around. Between April and September 2023, over 700 lines were dismantled, 1,300 arrests made and 1,600 victims were supported. I would like to mention a story that was included in the Home Office’s press release on the work, which I found inspiring. Liam, not his real name, turned his back on county lines criminality due to Catch22’s work. Liam was referred to Catch22 by social services after a raid at his home found his mother and brother in possession of class A and class B drugs, alongside £3,000 in cash. A subsequent raid found 11 bags of cannabis and weapons. Care workers were concerned that Liam was going down the same path as his family, and referred him to Catch22 for support. Liam was resistant to support at first, but the people at Catch22 were able to build a relationship with him and help him to understand the dangers of getting involved in county lines and drug use, and how to recognise and avoid criminal exploitation. Liam never missed a session with Catch22, and his attendance and performance at college subsequently improved. He has now moved on to a construction college, knowing that support is there if he is struggling. Liam is just one of hundreds of young people who, since 2022, have been supported by Home Office-funded victim support services, which ensure that vulnerable, hard-to-reach people can, with support, make different choices and turn their backs on a life of criminality. Action for Children warns that the crisis of child exploitation is worsening, while the absence of a legal definition means that there is no unified data collection across the UK. The available evidence highlights the scale of the issue. In 2023, the national referral mechanism, which identifies potential victims of modern slavery and criminal exploitation, received 7,432 child-related referrals, an increase of 45% since 2021. Criminal exploitation was the most common reason for referral—there were 3,123 cases, with more than 40% linked to county lines activity. Additionally, between April 2022 and March 2023, 14,420 child in need assessments in England identified criminal exploitation as a risk, up from 10,140 the previous year. Children as young as 11 or 12 years old are being recruited by gangs, forced to transport drugs across the country, and coerced into shoplifting, robbery and even serious violent offences. These children are often threatened, beaten and blackmailed into compliance. Once they are caught in the system, it is incredibly difficult for them to escape. The clause says it is child criminal exploitation if “the person engages in conduct towards or in respect of a child, with the intention of causing the child to engage in criminal conduct (at any time), and (b) either— (i) the child is under the age of 13”. Can the Minister explain why there is a cut-off at the age of 13?

• 3 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  This amendment would significantly increase the maximum penalty for offences outlined in clause 17 by removing the existing penalties in subsections (3)(a) and (3)(b) and replacing them with stricter sentencing provisions. The amendment would introduce life imprisonment as the maximum penalty for those convicted on indictment in the Crown court, while maintaining the ability of the magistrates court to impose a sentence up to the general limit, a fine, or both for summary convictions. The effect of the amendment would be to significantly strengthen the legal consequences for those found guilty of child criminal exploitation, the worst of the worst offences. By allowing for life imprisonment, the amendment underscores the grave nature of these offences, bringing them in line with other serious criminal acts that warrant the highest level of sentencing. Punitive measures play a crucial role in both deterring criminal behaviour and ensuring the protection of society, particularly when dealing with serious offences, such as child criminal exploitation. Strong sentencing frameworks serve as a clear warning that such crimes will not be tolerated, dissuading potential offenders from engaging in illegal activities due to the fear of severe consequences. By imposing harsh penalties, including lengthy prison sentences, the justice system sends an unambiguous message: those who exploit, coerce or harm others, especially vulnerable individuals such as children, will face the full force of the law. The amendment would act as a preventive mechanism, discouraging not only the individuals directly involved in criminal activity but those who may be considering engaging in similar offences. Punitive measures are essential for protecting victims and the wider public. By ensuring that offenders face substantial consequences, the justice system helps to incapacitate dangerous individuals, preventing them from reoffending and reducing the risk to others. That is particularly important in cases where offenders pose a long-term threat, such as organised criminal networks involved in child exploitation. Furthermore, the retention of the magistrates court’s ability to impose a lesser penalty ensures there is proportionality in sentencing, allowing for differentiation between varying levels of criminal involvement. This approach ensures that although the most serious offenders may face life imprisonment, lesser offenders are still subject to significant penalties without overburdening the Crown court system. Ultimately, the amendment seeks to deliver a strong message of deterrence, making it clear that child criminal exploitation will not be tolerated and that those who commit such offences will face the harshest legal consequences available under UK law.

• 3 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  It is good to get rid of the perception, but it is all about the real-world consequences. As it stands, if there is such a perception, we need to smash it. People need to know that 90% of such charges relate to goods under the value of £200; it needs to be pushed out that this is a thing. When we look at retail crime overall, the biggest problem, which we tried to solve with our amendment to clause 15, is not only changing perceptions but ensuring that police forces realise that retail crime has huge consequences and needs to be prioritised. That is the fundamental problem, so it is about ensuring that the priorities are right. I do not think that changing the legislation in this space will solve that problem. I want to go back to Oliver Sells, because I think he is a fascinating guy. He said: “I think it is a serious mistake. I can see why people want to do it, because they want to signify that an offence is a very important in relation to shop workers. I recognise that; I have tried many cases of assaults on shop workers and the like, which come up to the Crown court on appeal, and we all know the difficulties they cause, but you will not solve the problem.” –– [ Official Report, Crime and Policing Public Bill Committee, 27 March 2025; c. 17, Q25.] Sir Robert Buckland, the former Lord Chancellor, added: “First of all, just to build on Mr Sells’s point on clause 16, I understand the huge concern about shoplifting and the perception among many shop proprietors in our towns and cities that, in some ways, it was almost becoming decriminalised and that action has to be taken. But the danger in changing primary legislation in this way is that we send mixed messages, and that the Government are sending mixed messages about what its policy intentions are. Sir Brian Leveson is conducting an independent review into criminal procedure. We do not know yet what the first part of that review will produce, but I would be very surprised if there was not at least some nod to the need to keep cases out of the Crown court, bearing in mind the very dramatic and increasing backlog that we have. I think that anything that ran contrary to that view risks the Government looking as if it is really a house divided against itself. It seems to me that there was a simpler way of doing this. When the law was changed back in 2014, there was an accompanying policy guideline document that allowed for the police to conduct their own prosecutions for shoplifting items with a value of under £200, if the offender had not done it before, if there were not other offences linked with it, if there was not a combined amount that took it over £200 and if there was a guilty plea. What seems to have happened in the ensuing years is that that has built and developed, frankly, into a culture that has moved away from the use of prosecuting as a tool in its entirety. I think that that is wrong, but I do think that it is within the gift of Ministers in the Home Office and of officials in the Home Office and the Ministry of Justice to say, ‘That guidance is superseded. We hope, want and expect all offences to be prosecuted.’ That would then allow offences of under £200 to be prosecuted in the magistrates court. There is nothing in the current legislation that prevents any of that, by the way, and I think it would send a very clear message to the police that they are expected to do far more when it comes to the protection of retail premises.” –– [ Official Report, Crime and Policing Public Bill Committee, 27 March 2025; c. 18, Q26.] The economic note for the legislation estimates that repealing the existing provision will result in approximately 2,100 additional Crown court cases in the first instance. It further states that, in the low scenario, cases entering the Crown court will not see an increase in average prison sentence length. In the high scenario, it assumes that these cases will now receive the average Crown court prison sentence, leading to an increase of 2.5 months per conviction. The central estimate falls between those extremes at 1.3 months, based on the assumption that cases involving theft under £200 are unlikely to receive the same sentences as those over £200. That is reflected in a relatively wide range of possible prison sentences between the low and high estimates. What level of confidence can the Minister therefore provide on the number of people who will end up in prison, or end up in prison for longer, as a result of this move to the Crown court? Given that evidence, does this move, which appears to have a limited effect or outcome, outweigh the risk of prolonging the time it takes for victims to get justice, in the Minister’s view?

• 3 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I realise that, in some of these very sensitive areas, some people still want to play politics and talk about the history of one party or another. This is a really serious thing with really serious consequences, particularly in my part of the world, so I will leave the Minister to form her own opinions about the ups and downs of it. I support this, and I am keen to see it progress. Every Child Protected Against Trafficking said: “Data provided by some police forces to the Insight team of the Modern Slavery and Organised Immigration Crime Unit…showed that in October 2024, police in England and Wales were dealing with at least 2,612 live modern slavery investigations with most of these (59%) primarily involved tackling criminal exploitation. In November, the CPS provided data to the Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner on human trafficking flagged offences cross-referenced with child abuse-flagged offences for England and Wales which showed a decrease in prosecutions and convictions between 2021 and 2023. In 2021, there were 32 prosecutions and 23 convictions, this decreased to 19 prosecutions and 15 convictions in 2022. Prosecutions remained the same in 2023 with 13 convictions.” As such, I would be grateful if the Minister could elaborate on her confidence in the effectiveness of the measures set out in clause 17, particularly on the introduction of a distinct offence of child criminal exploitation.

• 3 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Roger. In the majority of these cases, I would hazard a guess that offenders are likely to receive sentences that could have been delivered more swiftly and cost-effectively by magistrates. I am not suggesting that the proposed law will directly hinder the police in their work, or directly lead to worse outcomes; however, I can see no likely benefit to come from additional costs and additional delays being introduced to the system. Shoplifting cases below £200 can be—and are—dealt with effectively by the police. If that is not case in some areas, it should be a matter for operational improvement, not new legislation. Does the Minister know a single police force in the country that has a policy of not pursuing shoplifters for products under £200 in value? Also, do the Government believe that trying crimes under £200 as summary offences, or in the magistrates court, meant that they were effectively decriminalised? If so, why is the offence of assaulting a retail worker a summary-only offence? I am sure we can play the politics of the backlog in the Crown court and have a long discussion about the cause and effect. I know that Government Members appreciated my brevity this morning, so I am keen to focus on the important measures in the Bill. The backlogs are real, and making them worse will have real consequences. At the end of September 2024, the backlog stood at an unprecedented high of 73,105 open cases. The Public Accounts Committee report examined that issue, with the Ministry of Justice acknowledging that “unless action is taken, the backlog will continue to increase for the foreseeable future, even with the courts system working at maximum capacity.” During oral evidence, there were significant discussions about the impact of clause 16, particularly on the Crown court. Oliver Sells spoke about the clause during the evidence session and he stated: “I recognise that there is a great public anxiety about this particular issue. Shoplifting has become endemic and almost non-criminal at the same time. It is a curious dichotomy, it seems to me, but I do not think for a moment—I am sorry to be critical—that making theft from a shop, irrespective of value, triable either way is the right answer. What that will do, inevitably, is push some of these cases up into the Crown court from the magistrates court. I understand the reasons behind it and the concerns of the Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers and the like. However, I think it is the wrong way. One of the things we must do now in this country is reinforce the use and the range of magistrates courts, and bring them back to deal with serious low-level crimes that are very frequent in their areas. They know how to deal with them. They need the powers to deal with them. I still do not think their range of powers is strong enough. You need to take cases such as these out of the Crown court, in my judgment. I think it is a serious mistake. I can see why people want to do it” –– [ Official Report, Crime and Policing Public Bill Committee, 27 March 2025; c. 17, Q25.]

• 3 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Well, okay, we are not—I take your word for it. The review also highlighted that, in Scotland, the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Act 2015 requires the Lord Advocate to issue instructions that prosecutors should have a presumption against the prosecution of exploited children. However, that addresses only criminal offences linked to exploitation and does not offer protection at an earlier stage. We welcome that the Bill makes it absolutely clear that adults who encourage or coerce a child into criminal activity will face serious consequences. They will no longer be able to hide behind children, using them as pawns while evading justice themselves. The Jay review was also clear that the current approach is far too lenient on exploiters. The number of prosecutions in England and Wales under the Modern Slavery Act remain strikingly low. Only 47 prosecutions were brought under that Act between January and June 2023, resulting in just 24 convictions. That stands in stark contrast to the scale of enforcement activity under the county lines programme, which has led to the arrest of 15,623 adults and children in England and Wales since 2019. A similar trend is evident in Scotland: between 2020-21 and 2022-23, 116 individuals reported to the Crown court for offences under the Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Scotland) Act. Of those, 92 cases were escalated to petition or indictment, while only two were prosecuted on summary complaint. In the first half of 2023, 24 individuals were reported for offences under the Act, with 13 of those cases proceeding to petition or indictment. Those figures highlight a significant gap between the scale of child exploitation-related crime and the relatively low number of prosecutions and convictions. While thousands of individuals have been arrested in connection with county lines activity, very few cases progress to successful prosecution under modern slavery legislation. That suggests a need for stronger enforcement mechanisms, improved evidence gathering and greater legal support to bring more offenders to justice. The Minister will no doubt be aware that both Catch22 and Action for Children, two leading organisations in youth support and child protection, have welcomed the measures set out in this chapter. They recognise the importance of tackling child criminal exploitation and holding those responsible to account. However, both organisations have emphasised that legislative action alone is not enough and have called on the Government to go further by introducing a comprehensive national strategy to address child criminal exploitation. Paul Carberry, the chief executive of Action for Children, said that Action for Children “strongly welcome both the new offence of criminally exploiting children and the new prevention orders in today’s Crime and Policing Bill, which we called for in our Jay Review last year. These measures will help to protect children across the country who are being preyed upon by criminals and put in danger. But we need to go further. The government’s proposals will only protect children who have already been exploited. That’s why we need a comprehensive national strategy that ensures that children at risk of criminal exploitation are identified and safeguarded at the earliest opportunity.” Members will have read the written evidence submitted by Every Child Protected Against Trafficking, a leading children’s rights organisation working to ensure that children can enjoy their rights to protection from trafficking and transnational child sexual exploitation. It campaigns for and supports children everywhere to uphold their rights to live free from abuse and exploitation through an integrated model involving research, policy, training and direct practice. Its vision is to ensure that: “Children everywhere are free from exploitation, trafficking and modern slavery”. In regard to clause 17, Every Child Protected Against Trafficking said: “We welcome the introduction of a specific offence of Child Criminal Exploitation (CCE) and the Government’s commitment to tackling this serious child protection issue. Recognising CCE in law is a vital step towards improving protection for children and ensuring that those who exploit children for criminal gain are held to account. However, more remains to be done to ensure that this legislation is as effective as possible. To strengthen this legislation, we call for sentencing parity with the Modern Slavery Act 2015 and the introduction of a clear statutory definition of child exploitation, ensuring a unified and robust approach to tackling this abuse.” What are the Minister’s thoughts on whether the measures set out by Action for Children would be a good step to achieving that? What further steps might she consider? A national strategy could provide a cohesive, long-term framework for tackling the root causes of exploitation, ensuring that law enforcement, social services, education providers and community organisations work together to protect vulnerable children. It would focus on not just prosecution but prevention, early intervention and victim support, ensuring that children caught up in criminal exploitation receive the help they need to escape and rebuild their lives. Has the Minister given serious consideration to those proposals? Turning to clause 17, any adult who deliberately causes, encourages or manipulates a child into committing a crime, whether through grooming, coercion, threats or exploitation, will face severe legal consequences, including a prison sentence of up to 10 years. This provision aims to crack down on those who prey on vulnerable children, by using them to carry out criminal activities, while evading direct involvement themselves. Tougher sentences are essential to deterring crime, ensuring justice for victims and reinforcing public confidence in the legal system. When penalties are lenient, criminals may feel emboldened because they believe that the risk of punishment is minimal compared with the potential gains of their illicit activities. A strong sentencing framework sends a clear message that crime will not be tolerated and that those who break the law will face severe consequences. This is particularly crucial in cases of serious offences, such as child exploitation, drug trafficking and violent crime, where the harm caused to victims and communities is profound and long lasting. Studies have shown that the certainty and severity of punishment play a significant role in influencing criminal behaviour: individuals are less likely to engage in unlawful acts if they know that they will face lengthy prison sentences or substantial financial penalties. Additionally, tougher sentences serve as a crucial tool for incapacitation, by preventing repeat offenders from causing further harm. For example, in the context of organised crime, longer prison terms disrupt criminal networks and limit their ability to recruit new victims. Beyond deterrence and public safety, stricter sentencing also upholds the principles of justice by ensuring that punishment is proportionate to the severity of the offence. It provides closure to victims and reassures society that the law is being enforced effectively. Although rehabilitation remains an important component of the criminal justice system, it must be balanced with punitive measures that deter crime and protect the most vulnerable, particularly children, who are often targeted for exploitation. Strengthening sentencing laws is not just about punishment; it is about preventing crime, protecting communities and ensuring that justice is delivered with the seriousness it demands. But do not just take my word for it. The written evidence submitted by Every Child Protected Against Trafficking raises a key concern about “the disparity in sentencing between offences prosecuted under the Modern Slavery Act 2015 and those brought under the proposed CCE offence, which risks undermining the severity of this form of exploitation. The proposed sentencing for Child Criminal Exploitation is 10 years, shorter than the penalties under the Modern Slavery Act 2015 which are life imprisonment, creating a perverse incentive where those who exploit children for criminality may face a lesser sentence than those prosecuted under modern slavery legislation. This undermines the severity of the offence and risks weakening deterrence against those that systematically exploit children.” What assessment has been made of the Bill’s potential deterrent effect? Does the Minister believe that the 10-year maximum sentence is sufficient to dissuade criminal networks from exploiting children? Every Child Protected Against Trafficking also states: “Enforcement of the Modern Slavery Act 2015, as noted by the Home Affairs Committee 2023 report on Human Trafficking, ‘remains woefully inadequate’, with worryingly low levels of law enforcement responses to them in comparison to the number of children who are exploited”. It also highlights that, as we have already discussed, child trafficking “remains a low-risk, high-profit crime, and the persistently low prosecution and conviction rates for child trafficking and exploitation offences do not converge with the high numbers of children being referred into the NRM. Data provided by some police forces to the Insight team of the Modern Slavery and Organised Immigration Crime Unit (MSOIC Unit) showed that in October 2024, police in England and Wales were dealing with at least 2,612 live modern slavery investigations with most of these (59%) primarily involved tackling criminal exploitation. In November, the CPS provided data to the Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner on human trafficking flagged offences cross-referenced with child abuse-flagged offences for England and Wales which showed a decrease in prosecutions and convictions between 2021 and 2023. In 2021, there were 32 prosecutions and 23 convictions, this decreased to 19 prosecutions and 15 convictions in 2022. Prosecutions remained the same in 2023 with 13 convictions.” I would therefore be grateful if the Minister could elaborate on her confidence in the effectiveness of the measures in clause 17.

• 3 Apr 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I may have done so inadvertently.