Martin Rhodes MP: speeches

Speeches

• 2 Jul 2026 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  T3. How are the Government working with trade unions to support workers in understanding and claiming their new rights under the Employment Rights Act 2025?

• 25 Jun 2026 · UK-EU Relations · Hansard source

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  Improving our relationship with the EU is about trade barriers, but it is also about standards. Many UK companies already follow the EU’s corporate sustainability due diligence directive in order to trade with our biggest external market. Without alignment, we risk becoming a dumping ground for unethically sourced products while responsible UK companies are undercut by less responsible enterprises. What conversations has the Minister had with Cabinet colleagues about aligning our human rights and environmental due diligence regime with that of the EU, to protect UK companies that do the right thing?

• 24 Jun 2026 · Climate Change · Hansard source

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  I very much welcome the opportunity for this House to debate the seventh carbon budget, but as important as this debate is, it cannot be the only place in which this discussion is held. I welcome the Government’s recognition of this in their clean energy mission, which states that that mission “will only succeed if we take people with us.” That means not just having this debate, welcome as it is, but making sure that we reach out to communities. If we do not, the space will too quickly be filled with misinformation and false narratives that undermine public trust in the need for carbon reduction and a better environment. We must continue to make that case so that support is broad, durable, and rooted in the everyday experiences of communities across the country. To do this, we must combine arguments with policies that improve the lived realities of communities across the UK. This means ensuring that the costs of decarbonising our economy do not fall disproportionately on less advantaged communities. We must work with, and in, communities and industry to ensure that the benefits for UK jobs and incomes are delivered. This mission is based on scientific evidence, and it needs a technical and practical set of solutions, but we will not succeed if we limit the debate to the scientific and the technical—we need to recognise that it is rooted in the values of social justice. The interconnected causes of environmental, social and economic justice are the challenge of our time. It is clear that bringing people with us may be becoming more difficult. Much of the progress made has been on the things that were easier to do; what is left to do is perhaps more difficult. Not only is the task ahead more difficult in itself; the consensus on progress has sadly fractured. But this is not a time to retreat. It may be a time to reflect on how we build, and I look forward to the Government’s publication of the delivery plan for this carbon budget, but it cannot be a time to retreat. The challenge is no less urgent; in fact, it is more pressing. Scrutiny is important, but it is not enough, and making the case for clean energy cannot be done through words alone—it must be done through actions that deliver for working people and for all our communities. Talking about a just transition does not in itself deliver a just transition. If we act, continuing to turn our words into deeds, the clean energy revolution will not simply be a policy programme; it will become a lasting national achievement.

• 10 Jun 2026 · Glasgow Commonwealth Games 2026 · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Twigg. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow West (Patricia Ferguson) on securing the debate. She is a consistent and effective advocate for Glasgow and for sport in Scotland, and her contribution in this House and elsewhere in public life has undoubtedly helped to shape the strong sporting and events culture that Glasgow rightly prides itself on today. This debate goes to the heart of something that I have spoken about in this place before: how we use opportunity to deliver growth that is not only strong but shared. In my constituency of Glasgow North sit three of the key venues for the Glasgow Commonwealth games 2026: the OVO Hydro, the SEC Centre and the SEC Armadillo, which together form the Scottish Event Campus—a central part of Glasgow’s economic life for over 40 years. The SEC is not simply a venue; it is an essential piece of economic infrastructure for the city. It has developed into one of Europe’s leading event destinations, supporting over 5,000 jobs, generating £557 million each year for Glasgow’s economy and attracting more than 2 million visitors annually. Major events such as the Glasgow 2026 Commonwealth games are not simply important occasions; they are economic instruments that can, when embedded within a wider strategy, drive growth. Every major event hosted in Glasgow—whether it is COP26, an international aquaculture conference or a Charli XCX concert—brings with it not just visitors but investment, knowledge exchange and long-term connections. The Commonwealth games bring all that together at scale. In this debate we are rightly focusing on the Commonwealth games, but it would be remiss of me as chair of the all-party parliamentary group for events not to highlight the consistent economic benefit of the many business events and conferences that take place in the SEC and elsewhere in the city on a regular basis. It is important that the UK Government and the Scottish Government support not only the Commonwealth games and other important sporting and cultural events, but the hugely significant business events sector. In 2026, more than 3,000 athletes from 74 nations will come to Glasgow, with the SEC hosting the opening ceremony and the basketball, wheelchair basketball, bowls, para bowls, boxing, judo, netball, weightlifting and para powerlifting events. The fact that so much activity will take place in my constituency illustrates both the scale of the opportunity and the responsibility that comes with it. Today, Glasgow stands as one of the UK’s most important city regions, with world-class universities, advanced industries and a thriving cultural sector. However, as I have said in the House before, it is also a city still marked by inequality, where growth exists alongside deprivation and where opportunity has not been felt across all communities. This is a key test for the 2026 games. Success cannot be judged solely by attendance figures or broadcast reach; it must instead be measured by whether the economic benefits are felt across the entire city region, particularly by those communities who have waited longest for change. That means linking the games more directly to local employment and skills, and I welcome the work that the games’ organisers have done on that. It is also important that local businesses are able to participate in supply chains, and that we invest in the necessary connectivity so that people across the region can access the opportunities created. The reality is that economic activity in Glasgow now operates at a regional scale, with major events intersecting with transport systems, labour markets and investment decisions extending well beyond the city boundary. That is why we need a more strategic and long-term approach to major events such as Glasgow 2026—one that plans ahead, aligns activity with economic priorities and co-ordinates delivery across the region. It is also why I have consistently argued for greater devolution to the Glasgow city region. This is not about constitutional preference but about practical delivery: local people are best placed to ensure that opportunities such as the Commonwealth games translate into tangible outcomes for our communities. In that context, Government support must go beyond the successful delivery of the event itself. It must recognise the SEC as a strategic national asset, align the games with wider priorities such as tourism, trade and investment, and support a long-term plan that builds on Glasgow’s proven strengths in hosting major events. The 2026 Commonwealth games represent the next stage in that journey: an opportunity to reinforce the city’s global reputation, drive further economic growth and, importantly, ensure that that growth is shared more widely across the city region, including by the communities I represent in Glasgow North. What matters now is that we match that opportunity with an even greater level of long-term ambition. If we do, Glasgow 2026 will be not simply a one-off great occasion, but a lasting legacy of change for the Glasgow city region.

• 4 Jun 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  I recently attended a Glasgow schools clean air event, organised by Parents for Future Scotland, at which I met pupils from St Charles’, St Mary’s and St Patrick’s primary schools in Glasgow North. They are leading inspiring work to tackle air pollution in their communities. May we have a debate in Government time on how we can better involve young people in addressing the climate crisis, and how we can ensure that their ideas and leadership are reflected in national policy?

• 2 Jun 2026 · Glasgow City Region Economy · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Member for that intervention. I agree and will go on in my speech to talk about how the work of the city deals needs to be developed further. Those structures and activities need to be built on to ensure we get the most from that initial interest to develop it further. The Glasgow city region economy has seen real investment from the UK Labour Government but much more can be done. With greater devolved powers over areas such as infrastructure, skills, investment and public health, the region will be better placed to shape solutions around the needs of its communities. That would not be devolution for the sake of it. Greater local autonomy can help reduce inequality, improve health outcomes and create new jobs and opportunities across the region. As the city region is right now, I welcome the significant investment that the UK Labour Government are already delivering. The new local growth fund, combined with the Pride in Place programmes, is set to deliver nearly £94 million in investment over the next three years. The combination of those funds delivers long-term infrastructure and renewal. That approach will help the Glasgow city region to invest in long-term renewal, an ambition that needs to be matched by sustained adequate local government funding from the Scottish Government. This UK Labour Government have delivered the largest spending review settlement in the history of the Scottish Parliament, which amounted to £50 billion in last year’s settlement. That is in stark contrast to the Scottish Government, which instead of passing that funding increase to local government, continued to enforce cuts to communities. From 2013 to 2026, Glasgow city council alone has seen a £1.5 billion loss in Scottish Government funding. Those cuts to local government funding have left councils across the region overstretched and focused on struggling to deliver core services, with little left over for the long-term investment the city region needs.

• 2 Jun 2026 · Glasgow City Region Economy · Hansard source

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  Yes, I agree that we need devolution of power from Holyrood. One of the ironies of the devolution period in Scotland is that although powers have been devolved from the UK to Scotland, power has been hoarded in the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Government and not devolved to local government and local communities. The UK Labour Government’s investment is not a substitute for sound local government funding. It is targeted, strategic funding designed to deliver the transformational projects that drive growth, create better jobs and build more prosperous communities. That investment reflects real ambition for the city region and is a fundamentally different offer to the Scottish Government’s short-sighted approach. While the Scottish Government neglect the Glasgow city region, this Labour Government have been representing its interests in our trade abroad. The £10 billion defence deal with Norway has secured thousands of jobs at shipyards on the Clyde while also supporting many small and medium-sized UK and Scottish businesses in the supply chain. This Labour Government are supporting skilled jobs and opportunities in our city region communities that need them. The UK Government are not supporting only traditional industries such as shipbuilding; they are also supporting the region’s future technology industries. I recently visited the University of Glasgow-based Responsible Electronics and Circular Technologies programme, which was established in my constituency in 2024 with more than £6 million of UK Government funding. REACT brings together industry and academia to design sustainable solutions for the electronics sector. Projects like that create high skilled jobs, strengthen supply chains and ensure that Glasgow city region remains at the forefront of future industrial development. With that dynamic and growing economy in the region, it is clear why devolving power and funding to the city region would help industry, businesses and communities. It would allow policies to be better shaped to serve communities where these investments are happening. Already, the Glasgow city region cabinet, a unique governance structure established to oversee the Glasgow city deal that brings together the leaders of the local authorities, helps to deliver these types of regional programmes. However, that governance structure was created for a particular purpose: to oversee a significant but limited city deal programme. It needs to be transformed to meet the new reality and the ambition of the region shown by recent UK Government investment. Since being elected, I have met with businesses, public transport providers and campaigners, and representatives from the city region to discuss this issue. All of them acknowledge that the Glasgow city region as a metropolitan area needs a regional structure to deliver aligned region-wide policies. That would allow the Glasgow city region to tailor its policies to the needs of our communities. However, devolution must be about outcomes, not simply structures. Any transfer of power must come with clear accountability, strong governance and a focus on what matters to our communities: reducing poverty, improving health outcomes and creating good jobs. As the city region develops, there will also need to be stronger democratic accountability around the decisions being made. What matters most, however, is that power is placed closer to the communities affected by those decisions. That means better systems to identify the barriers keeping communities in poverty and regional solutions to break down those barriers. That stands in contrast to years in which powers have sat concentrated in Holyrood, with little meaningful transfer to the city region. The Glasgow city region is reaching an important moment in its development. There is now a growing recognition that city regions such as ours are best placed to shape solutions to the challenges and opportunities facing our communities. Importantly, that work is being matched by growing investment and institutional confidence. The city region now oversees a portfolio of more than £2 billion and is working with partners, including the National Wealth Fund, to shape the next stage of the region’s development. If we get this right, the Glasgow city region can play an even greater role in the Scottish and UK economies while delivering practical improvements in people’s lives: better transport, stronger local economies, good jobs and healthier communities. In the meantime, there is so much to be proud of. World-leading universities, high-skilled jobs and art, culture and sport make it one of the UK’s greatest city regions. It deserves the support it needs to tackle the challenges it faces and deliver real change for the communities of the Glasgow city region. As for the future, regional devolution for the metropolitan areas of Manchester, Liverpool and the west midlands is proof that greater city region devolution can work. The foundations for governance are already in place in the Glasgow city region, and the UK Labour Government have shown, through significant investment and their partnership with the city region body, that they understand that empowering the Glasgow city region will help it succeed further, economically and culturally. The hugely beneficial impact of UK-funded initiatives such as the local growth fund, the Pride in Place programme, the Norway defence deal and the city deal—

• 2 Jun 2026 · Glasgow City Region Economy · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered Government support for the Glasgow city region economy. It is a pleasure to serve with you chairing, Ms Jardine. The Glasgow city region is at the heart of the Scottish economy and is a fundamental pillar of the larger UK economy. Home to 1.85 million people, across eight local authority areas, the Glasgow city region accounts for around a third of Scotland’s employment and economic output. Shipbuilding on the Clyde; world-leading university research and spin-offs; the largest production of miniature satellites in Europe; one of the largest financial sectors in the UK outside London; an established and growing advanced manufacturing base; and a dynamic and thriving cultural sector are integral parts of the city region’s economy. This is a city region that includes UNESCO City of Music status for Glasgow, and playing host to COP26 in 2021 and the Commonwealth games in 2014, to be hosted again in Glasgow this summer. That all paints a picture of the Glasgow city region as a major economic and cultural success, but it is still held back by historical challenges. Its history of deindustrialisation has left deep-rooted issues of poverty and inequality that are still being grappled with today in many communities. The region has one of the highest percentages of people with no formal education, while also having one of the highest percentages of people with higher-level qualifications or more. Parts of the region have some of the highest deprivation in the UK, along with some of the highest drug deaths in Europe, although the city region also contains some of the wealthiest areas of Scotland. That gets to the crux of the matter. Support for the Glasgow city region economy must be judged not only by headline growth figures but by whether the benefits reach all communities, particularly those who have waited longest for change.

• 2 Jun 2026 · Glasgow City Region Economy · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend for his customarily well versed arguments for his constituency and the skills, developments and opportunities there. It is true that when we talk about the city region we are talking about not just the city itself but all parts of the city and the surrounding region. The impact of every £1 of investment could go further. When funding is channelled through empowered regional structures, with engagement, accountability and governance systems providing tailored local policies, it has a multiplier effect on everything it delivers. That means delivering for not just the wealthiest parts of the city but those communities that are most in need of support in all parts of the city region, within the city boundary and beyond. My constituents in Glasgow North, along with people in the rest of the region, deserve high-quality affordable homes, an integrated transport network and good jobs, which an empowered city region can help deliver. I welcome the Minister’s reflections on what steps the UK Government plan to take to support the Glasgow city region’s economic ambitions. I also welcome any further reflections on what the UK Government can do to help accelerate the transfer of powers to the city region. The Glasgow city region is a major economic and cultural success, but it is still held back by historical challenges. With the right powers behind it, with sustained local authority funding and with the UK’s Government’s investment, it could go much further in delivering improved health, good housing and rewarding, well paid jobs for our communities. The test will be how it delivers for all our communities, and for all in our communities, so that they can not only survive or live but truly flourish.

• 18 May 2026 · Backing Business to Create Economic Growth · Hansard source

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  Hon. Members across the House have already referred to the fundamental and structural challenges we face as a society and an economy. One that has been mentioned is the challenge around the rapid rate of technological change. That brings opportunity and benefits for many, but it also brings uncertainty and exclusion for others. It is a challenge that highlights the more general need for Government intervention to nurture and protect, for regulation that does not hinder but encourages growth, and for growth that is necessarily inclusive. Because of the limits of time, I will concentrate on one area, the European partnership Bill, which will focus on rebuilding our relationship with Europe in this fractured geopolitical and economic world. Europe is our largest and closest trading bloc, and breaking down trade barriers with it will help businesses to grow, create jobs and ease cost pressures for UK households. I support these positive moves, prioritising trade, business and jobs above refighting past political debates. That said, we should be more ambitious in aligning requirements for British businesses with EU standards where possible and appropriate. Many UK companies are already required to follow the EU’s corporate sustainability due diligence directive in order to trade with our biggest external market. We risk becoming a dumping ground for unethically sourced products, while UK companies—following best practice in order to trade with our closest and largest neighbours—are undercut by less responsible enterprises. Some 50 leading businesses have already signed statements calling for human rights due diligence legislation, including brands such as Tesco, Twinings and John Lewis. Such legislation could promote more ethical consumption, allow companies to better manage risk and help British businesses to grow. The European partnership Bill is an opportunity to align our due diligence regime with EU standards. Following the responsible business conduct review, I hope that the Government might see the Bill as an opportunity to make those changes happen. I am proud to support this Government’s agenda of regulating the market, so that it works for consumers and small businesses, and of putting fairness and dignity at the heart of our economic system. I welcome the proposed legislative measures in the King’s Speech to support good business, and over this parliamentary Session, I will continue to urge Ministers to take forward measures to ensure human rights and environmental due diligence in supply chains. The successful future of our economy, further growth in our economy and good-quality jobs can be based only on responsible and sustainable business practices, with strong workers’ rights and protections for consumers. I am confident that measures in the King’s Speech will build on legislation in the previous Session on delivering those goals.

• 14 May 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  This week marked the 22nd anniversary of the devastating Stockline ICL Plastics factory explosion in Woodside in my constituency, in which nine people tragically lost their lives. Given continuing concerns about corporate accountability, may we have a debate in Government time to assess how effective the offences of corporate manslaughter and corporate homicide have been since they were introduced, and whether the legislation is delivering justice for families affected by workplace deaths?

• 16 Apr 2026 · Glasgow 2026 Commonwealth Games · Hansard source

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  Having recently visited the Scottish Event Campus in my constituency, which will host the opening ceremony along with a number of sports during the games, I have seen at first hand the opportunity these games represent for tourism, hospitality and local businesses. Given the importance of these events for Scotland and Glasgow’s economy, what conversations is the Minister having with the Scottish Government and the Scotland Office to ensure that the games are a success for Glasgow and that Glasgow is well placed to attract further cultural and sporting events in the years ahead?

• 16 Apr 2026 · Queen Elizabeth II Centre · Hansard source

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  I declare my interest as the chair of the all-party parliamentary group for events. Given the importance of the QEII centre for hosting many major international events, and its direct economic value—we are talking about hundreds of jobs, thousands of hotel rooms, and significant spend and investment across the wider supply chain—does my hon. Friend have concerns that significantly reducing capacity could negatively affect the ability to attract major business events to the UK and give our international competitors an advantage?

• 5 Mar 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  Can the Leader of the House make Government time available for a debate on involving young people in decision making? When I recently visited primary 6 classes at St Monica’s primary school in my constituency, they made thoughtful points about issues in their local Milton community and their aspirations for the area. Does the Leader of the House agree that we should do more to ensure that young people’s voices genuinely shape the decisions that impact them?

• 3 Mar 2026 · Environmental Protection and Biodiversity · Hansard source

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  Thank you, Sir Roger. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for North East Hertfordshire (Chris Hinchliff) on securing this debate. Much of his speech focused on England and on rural areas. As the Member for Glasgow North, I hope to open up the debate slightly, in terms of crossing the border into Scotland, the rest of the UK and the world, and also into urban as well as rural. Often, there is a focus on climate rather than nature based solutions to help mitigate and adapt to the environmental crisis that we face. Many argue that the protection of nature is hampering economic development. Not only are they compatible but, more fundamentally, the decline of nature will undermine economic development. Wetlands protect us from flooding; mangroves protect us from storm surges; and peatlands store carbon and regulate water flow. This is our natural infrastructure. They are essential not only in tackling climate change but in limiting damage to built infrastructure, reducing insurance costs and strengthening economic resilience. In 2022, parties to the United Nations convention on biological diversity signed the global biodiversity framework. This landmark agreement, among other ambitions, seeks to conserve 30% of land and waters by 2030—“30 by 30”, as it is commonly known. However, much more needs to be done if we are to achieve those ambitions. Analysis from the Natural History Museum reveals that we are not sufficiently protecting the most critical ecosystems upon which global biodiversity—and indeed humanity—relies. In areas delivering the most vital ecosystem services, biodiversity is decreasing faster. I thank my hon. Friend again for securing this debate. Nature has an essential role to play, helping us to mitigate and adapt. Our national and international commitments can enable us to progress towards other biodiversity targets, including those focused on restoration, resilience building and nature’s contribution to people and the economy more broadly. We must continue to champion this cause.

• 12 Feb 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  I recently hosted a drop-in advice surgery with my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow West (Patricia Ferguson) for people living with dementia and their carers. I was struck by the vital role played by local dementia support groups, such as Dementia Heroes in the west end of Glasgow. Will the Leader of the House make time for a debate on recognising the importance of these community-led organisations?

• 2 Feb 2026 · Indefinite Leave to Remain · Hansard source

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  It a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell. We have a health and social care system built on the commitment and skills of workers who are too often underpaid, overstretched and undervalued, yet they contribute not only to the wellbeing of our society, but to the strength of our economy. In December, I met with one of those care sector workers, who was also a Unison representative in my constituency. We discussed their campaign for fairer visa rules for migrant care workers in the UK. For transparency, I put on record my membership of Unison. Many of those working in social care are migrants who care for some of the most vulnerable and elderly in our society. If settlement is to be earned through contribution to the UK economy and society, few have earned it more than social care and health workers. Those who came here with hopes for a better life and have spent years supporting the health and care of the nation should have that contribution recognised and valued. Progressive reform to the system is needed. Currently, as others have mentioned, a migrant care worker’s visa is tied to their employer, which opens up the potential for abuse. It creates a situation of dependency where a bad employer can exploit their staff knowing that those staff will not risk speaking out because their visa relies on that employer. That power dynamic strips migrant care workers of their bargaining power. We need to rebalance the power dynamic between migrant care workers and their employers. I would welcome a commitment from the Minister to look seriously at the potential of a sector-wide visa that avoids the pitfalls of employment-tied sponsorship in this sector. In any new immigration rules, those working in the social care sector should be given due status in decisions about indefinite leave to remain and citizenship. I urge the Government to ensure that care workers are treated not as insignificant temporary labour, but as skilled and valuable contributors to society and the economy. Whatever changes we make to our immigration system, we must ensure that those contributions are recognised and respected.

• 26 Jan 2026 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  T3. In the light of the Government’s commitment to delivering employment and opportunities for young people of all backgrounds, will the Secretary of State set out what recent progress has been made on establishing the youth guarantee scheme in Scotland?

• 22 Jan 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  I recently visited Hawthorn Housing Co-operative in my constituency. It has been a registered social landlord since 1987, and it provides homes and services to around 364 tenant members. Given the Government’s strong support for the co-operative movement, and the work that housing co-operatives such as Hawthorn do in communities like Possil in my constituency, will the Leader of the House consider dedicating time to a debate on the importance of support for the co-operative housing sector?

• 11 Dec 2025 · Fairtrade Certification · Hansard source

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  I agree that it is important that we look at reforming global trade in different ways depending on the particular context. One of the great successes of Fairtrade in the UK has been getting products into mainstream retail, where most people do their shopping. When it comes to quantity, that is where those products need to be. However, it is also important that the Fairtrade movement has supported other Fairtrade businesses to do all of their business Fairtrade and provided an alternative model of doing business. Both approaches are why Fairtrade has been so generally successful, accepting the current situation and how we make it better while also looking at how we build a better system overall.

• 11 Dec 2025 · Fairtrade Certification · Hansard source

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  I have only 30 seconds left, and I am on my final point. I welcome the opportunity from including human rights and environmental due diligence, and the Bribery Act offers a framework for looking at how that might be done. Question put and agreed to. Resolved, That this House has considered the role of Fairtrade certification in UK business and trade.

• 11 Dec 2025 · Fairtrade Certification · Hansard source

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  Trading relations become more important in the context of cuts to aid budgets, not just here but elsewhere in the world. Trade and business become more important as means of supporting and helping countries, and of narrowing gaps of inequality globally. There is a separate debate, which we might have at another time, about the levels of aid from the UK and elsewhere, but in the current context, trade becomes more important, not less. In recent correspondence I had with the University of the Arts London, it highlighted structural challenges that are particularly clear in the fashion and textile sector. The debate so far has concentrated on food, but the university’s analysis shows that, despite strong consumer demand for ethical clothing, uptake of standards such as Fairtrade remains limited because of the lack of regulatory pressure, opaque multi-tiered supply chains and the competitive disadvantage faced by responsible brands. Its research underlines exactly why certification alone cannot fix a market that rewards the cheapest, rather than the fairest, production. We need human rights and environmental due diligence legislation to create that system change. Some may worry that such legislation is a recipe for more red tape that will hamper growth, but that need not be the case. Many UK businesses already have to follow EU directives because that is where a large part of their market is. We risk becoming a dumping ground for unethically sourced products while our own British companies, following best practice in order to trade with our closest and largest neighbours, are undercut. Some 50 global businesses have already signed statements calling for human rights due diligence legislation, including UK brands such as Tesco, Twinings and John Lewis. Organisations such as the Corporate Justice Coalition are working hard to advocate on the issue by proposing a business, human rights and environment Act. Current legislation on supply chain transparency lacks effectiveness. Section 54 of the Modern Slavery Act 2015 requires companies only to report on their operations, but not necessarily to take responsible actions to address and prevent the problems. Having met the Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner, I am aware that they are pushing for mandatory human rights due diligence legislation in the UK. I would appreciate the Minister making reference to the commissioner’s work in his response. Fairtrade shows that ethical trade can deliver; human rights and environmental due diligence would take it from optional to systemic. That said, the lessons of this debate for the Government are not just about the Fairtrade mark, a more ethical tea industry, or even important changes in due diligence laws. As we face a world of pressures and reductions in aid budgets, including our own, it places on us a greater and more urgent responsibility to use progressive approaches to trade and business and to promote progress on human rights, the environment and economic growth concurrently. I shall conclude on that wider context. With the reductions in UK official development assistance, we should be viewing ethical trade and responsible business as cost-effective ways to put our principles into practice. Principles such as poverty reduction, gender equality and environmental sustainability can all be advanced through strong due diligence laws, and by growing our trade with allies that share the same high standards. But we are also required to take proactive action against regressive trade policies—most notably the use of investor-state dispute settlement provisions, which are mechanisms to allow overseas investors to sue Governments for taking legitimate regulatory decisions in the public interest. The Government’s recent trade strategy contains very welcome and strong commitments to embedding human rights and environmental practices into our trade policy. I similarly welcome the Government’s responsible business conduct review, which shows their commitment to tackle the issues we are addressing in this debate. Such Government engagement, led by the Minister, is welcome. The Labour Government was elected on an ambitious programme for workers’ rights and environmental sustainability. This is now an important opportunity for us to put those priorities into practice, not just here in the UK but in our global supply chains. I look forward to the Minister’s response and the rest of the debate.

• 11 Dec 2025 · Fairtrade Certification · Hansard source

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  First, I thank all those who have taken part in the debate. We have covered a lot of common ground but brought a lot of different perspectives to it. A number of hon. Members, including the Minister and the shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Reigate (Rebecca Paul), and my hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton West (Warinder Juss), mentioned community campaigns, which are an important part of Fairtrade. Others, such as the hon. Member for North Herefordshire (Dr Chowns), have spoken about campaigns more generally,. Other hon. Members have also raised business— my hon. Friend the Member for Cumbernauld and Kirkintilloch (Katrina Murray) talked about what can go wrong when good practice is not in place, while others reflected on where business practice goes right. My hon. Friend the Member for Ealing Central and Acton (Dr Huq) talked about what can happen when things are not done ethically and about the difference that the Fairtrade premium can make when they are. Others emphasised the input of producers, including my hon. Friends the Members for Ealing Central and Acton and for Cumbernauld and Kirkintilloch. Those different perspectives show one of the great strengths of Fairtrade: it brings together consumers, producers, campaigners and businesses to look at what can be achieved through certification. I very much welcome what the Minister said about global connectedness. That is what underpins all this: the recognition that we are much more connected through trade, culture, travel and everything else than we were previously. In some ways, that broadens people’s horizons, and makes them see and understand things that they never previously had the chance to think about or knew existed, and it can help uncover injustices and make action more possible. However, in other ways, we see trading activity that is based on entering into places to deliberately and repeatedly exploit them. We had some discussion earlier about the aid budget. I, too, look forward to returning to 0.7% of GDP, but as I said, when the UK aid budget and aid budgets across the world have been cut, we must look much more at trade and other means to achieve the principles that we all want to achieve. The Minister spoke about “free and fair” trade and discussed what that means with the hon. Member for Richmond Park (Sarah Olney), but it is important to reflect on what was said. We want free trade, but if we free up trade and tear down barriers, and yet the underlying system does not allow for fairness, we will get an unfair outcome. We therefore need to make sure that fairness is embedded, and Fairtrade has shown itself for a number of years to be a proven way of doing trade that is mutually beneficial to all in the supply chain. I welcome the Minister setting out the principles behind the responsible business review, and I very much welcome the fact that human rights and environmental due diligence are part of that. The Minister made mention of the Bribery Act 2010, which provides a framework for legislation—

• 11 Dec 2025 · Fairtrade Certification · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered the role of Fairtrade certification in UK business and trade. It is a pleasure to serve with you chairing for the second time in a fortnight, Mrs Hobhouse. I draw attention to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests: I was employed by the Scottish Fair Trade Forum prior to my election, and am currently chair of the all-party parliamentary group on Fairtrade. Can we all honestly say we know who made the clothes we are wearing? When we buy a chocolate bar, do we always consider who grew the cocoa and under what conditions they worked? With every drink of tea, do we consider whether the tea farmer was paid adequately for us to enjoy our brew? Even as morally conscious as many of us would like to consider ourselves, the answer to those questions is very likely no. In this deeply globalised world, it is not possible for individuals to investigate the ethics of every product they buy. Equally many corporations use their market power to exploit farmers and workers, suppliers of tea, cotton, and cocoa, with little regard for the environment and human wellbeing. That is why certification standards are important: they empower individuals to make informed purchasing choices through visible certification symbols, while also transcending the individual by helping to create a more ethical system of supply and demand, often by offering fair prices for products, financing for farmers, independent auditing of farming practices, transportation of goods, and processing to ensure high standards for people and the environment. Not all certification standards were created equal. Some schemes can be used for greenwashing or to hide unethical practices through poor auditing standards. We must continue to champion independent certification standards and verification systems, and challenge those who opt for less demanding alternatives or no standards at all. I welcome the Government’s responsible business review, which I believe provides an opportunity for the UK Government to learn from certification standards as a way of delivering ethical business practices. I would welcome the Minister’s reflections on this in his response. With that, I come to the main focus of this debate: the Fairtrade certification mark, which is one of the most recognised and effective certification standards. It is a household name, with an estimated 91% of UK consumers recognising the Fairtrade mark and some 78% caring about it. The blue, black, and green mark has come to be synonymous with certification standards. What really makes the Fairtrade mark so important is not just its public recognition or popularity, but the impact it has had and continues to have for farmers and communities globally. Fairtrade guarantees a minimum price for farmers, provides a Fairtrade premium, ensures labour and environmental standards, and provides support and training. In practice, that means there is a price safety net enabling farmers to sell their products to cover the average cost of sustainable production. That income goes directly to farmers to increase their income, improve their livelihoods and increase wages for their workers. The premium is paid directly to farmers via co-operatives; for every kilogram of produce sold, the funds must be spent democratically to invest in a community development project. It has been estimated that over the 25 years to 2019, Fairtrade farmers and workers have received around €1 billion in Fairtrade premium as additional funds to be invested in their communities and businesses. In 2023 alone, producers earned more than €211 million in Fairtrade premium. The projects and numerous types of training on the ground, including improved agricultural practices, climate resilience, business management, literacy and gender equality, have been supported by the premium. Although the Fairtrade Foundation here in the UK does more than just implement its certification processes, there will always be limits to how much such an approach can deliver improved conditions for people and the planet, due to structural barriers and the imbalance of power in the competitive market system. This is why Fairtrade’s advocacy is so important. It helps producers, particularly smallholder farmers and workers, who usually are not given access to participate in public debate or to influence legislative and policy frameworks for the benefit of people and the planet. The certification scheme is one part of the work of the Fairtrade Foundation, and the foundation in turn is only part of the global Fairtrade movement, bringing together consumers, producers, businesses and campaigners in a unique global movement for change.

• 11 Dec 2025 · Fairtrade Certification · Hansard source

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  The hon. Member’s highlights that certification schemes, important though they are, are not the only answer; we need to look at legislation and statutory guidance that will drive change in the system overall. I will speak later about what we can do in legislative terms to ensure that all the supply chains involved in goods and services sold in the UK are properly regulated and that we have a system in place to look at standards in the UK and elsewhere in those supply chains. A recent example of the advocacy work of the Fairtrade Foundation is its “Brew it Fair” campaign, which called for greater accountability and responsibility in the tea sector. Some 13 million people source employment from the tea industry, and 60% of the world’s tea is produced by smallholder farmers. Regrettably, this market is made up of a high number of farmers and workers with low incomes and wages, working in the context of increasingly difficult conditions for farming due to climate change. This campaign called on the Government to do more to collaborate with the industry to deliver living wages and incomes for those in the tea sector and to be bolder in how we approach supply chain due diligence, and called for the UK to continue to honour its international climate finance commitments. During Fairtrade fortnight, at the end of September, around 117,000 people across the UK engaged with more than 1,000 local grassroots activities in support of the “Brew it Fair” campaign. Many of them were Fairtrade communities, a network of local campaign groups across the UK. My hon. Friend the Member for Lancaster and Wyre (Cat Smith) wished to speak today but is unable to do so due to prior commitments. However, she told me she wants on the record her recognition of the hard work of the Garstang Fairtrade community—passionate campaigners on these issues in the world’s first Fairtrade town. Support for Fairtrade cuts across communities and generations, from faith communities who see it as an important part of their social mission, to student activists inspired by its empowering impact, to rural communities who know through lived experience where power lies in agricultural supply chains. When Fairtrade hosted tea farmers from Kenya and India to speak directly to politicians and policy makers, that demonstrated exactly why advocacy is so important: it closes the vast proximity gap, often spanning cultures and oceans, between those who make decisions in this place and in boardrooms and those working at the very beginning of supply chains to deliver so many of the goods we enjoy. Yesterday, Fairtrade’s “Brew it Fair” campaign culminated in a cross-party group of MPs, activists, and representatives from business and the Fairtrade Foundation handing a petition in to Downing Street, signed by over 21,000 people, containing the main asks of the campaign. The petition calls on the Government to introduce a law on human rights and environmental due diligence to oblige the public sector and businesses to prevent human rights abuses and environmental harms across their supply chains. I look forward to the Minister reflecting on the asks of the campaign in his response. In particular, I ask that he updates us on the Government’s position on human rights and environmental due diligence. The petition’s ask is the most important of the campaign, and the clearest ask of this debate.