Martin Rhodes MP: speeches

Speeches

• 2 Jul 2025 · Spending Review 2025: Scotland · Hansard source

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  It is a privilege to serve under your chairmanship, Sir John. I commend my hon. Friend the Member for Dunfermline and Dollar (Graeme Downie) for securing this important debate and for his speech highlighting what a Labour Government in Westminster can mean for our constituents in Scotland. The spending review delivers a major boost to Scotland. Over the next three years, the Scottish Government will receive £9.1 billion of funding. That marks the largest real-terms settlement since devolution began. Labour has ended austerity in Scotland. These are not just numbers; this funding is an opportunity for real change. It must be used to strengthen the services people rely on every day: our NHS, schools, police and housing. It is now down to the Scottish Government to deliver on those matters with this funding from the UK Labour Government. I also welcome the spending review’s creation of and support for four investment zones and green freeports, in the north-east, in Inverness and Cromarty Firth, at Forth Green and, most importantly to me, in the Glasgow city region. That includes £160 million each over 10 years. The Glasgow investment zone will focus on advanced manufacturing, a future growth sector that the city is well placed to lead, with its world-class universities and a strong pool of talent in the region. The investment zone will be focused on sites in Renfrewshire, alongside existing innovation districts and underdeveloped sites near critical infrastructure around Glasgow airport. Local partners expect it to generate at least £1.7 billion of investment and up to 18,000 full-time equivalent jobs over 10 years, and boost the region’s research and innovation economy. In recent years, we have seen the benefits of further devolving power and funding to city regions across the UK, with the ability at local level to create and tailor policies to better serve our communities. In Scotland, however, devolution appears to have stalled at Holyrood. There is little appetite to pass power and more funding to the Glasgow city region and other communities across Scotland. I hope that the Minister will indicate that the UK Government would support further devolution to the Glasgow city region, and I hope that the Scottish Government move quickly to achieve that. The UK Labour Government have provided the Scottish Government with a huge and historic opportunity to make progress with the commitments in the spending review to empower our city regions with more powers and funding to better deliver for our communities. In 2026, Scotland will have the chance to choose a Government who not just talk but deliver: a Scottish Labour Government who turn record funding into real results for all of our communities.

• 2 Jul 2025 · Engagements · Hansard source

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  Q11. Figures from British Transport police show a staggering 47% rise in violence and serious public order offences against rail staff between 2021 and 2024. This epidemic of violence was allowed to escalate under the previous Conservative Government, who failed to act while frontline workers were increasingly put at risk. Does the Prime Minister agree that our transport workers deserve to do their jobs without fear, and will he reaffirm this Labour Government’s commitment to ensuring that train operating companies are held fully accountable for protecting those who keep our railways safe and moving?

• 19 Jun 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  I recently met the British Transport police, whose Scottish headquarters are in my constituency, to discuss their text service for confidential reporting of non-emergency incidents on the rail network. Earlier this year, I attended a Transport Salaried Staffs’ Association event, at which the union was launching its “Keep transport workers safe” report, which highlights the abuse and harassment faced by staff across our transport systems. Given the vital role that transport workers play in keeping passengers and infrastructure safe, will the Leader of the House give us a debate in Government time on recognising their contribution, and on how best to protect them?

• 12 Jun 2025 · Covid: Fifth Anniversary · Hansard source

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  I commend my hon. Friend the Member for West Ham and Beckton (James Asser) for securing this debate. The covid-19 pandemic had a global reach, yet the impact was not felt equally. On a local level, the pandemic had a disproportionate impact on some of the most vulnerable in society. The elderly, those with pre-existing conditions and people living in the most deprived areas saw some of the highest fatality rates. The covid-19 pandemic in the UK and globally displayed for all to see—or all who cared to see—the damning consequences of societal and economic inequalities. Globally, covid-19 is estimated to have directly caused 7 million deaths and many millions more indirectly. The global response was unequal and unjust, with many countries starved of essential vaccines, tests and treatments. Though some spoke of covid-19 as being a once-in-a-lifetime event, that is not necessarily true. A key way of honouring those who died, those who were left bereaved and those who suffered in so many ways is to focus on having a plan for the next pandemic. Studies suggest that outbreaks caused by diseases moving from animals to people are happening more often and with greater impact. That said, there are reasons for hope in that area. A number of initiatives and projects are working to ensure that the next outbreak does not catch us unprepared. One example is the 100 Days Mission, which is a global initiative that aims to have safe, effective and accessible vaccines, tests and treatments within 100 days of the next pandemic. It is estimated that had the world deployed vaccines, tests and treatments within 100 days for covid, rather than within 300 days, we could have prevented 8.3 million excess deaths and avoided trillions in economic losses. It is welcome that the UK Government continue to support that mission and more general global health research and development. Research in that area and in so many others is so important. We live in an age where some decry experts. I suggest that we need more expertise, research and science, not less. We need to remember those who suffered and those who died, and we need to mark that by a commitment to ensure that we are better placed than ever before for any such eventuality in the future.

• 6 May 2025 · Parking Regulation · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Efford. It is clear from this debate that there are systemic weaknesses in how the private parking system is structured and regulated. That is the core issue that I wish to address. One of the two DVLA-accredited trade associations is the International Parking Community. Members of the IPC are granted access to DVLA data to pursue unpaid parking charges. If a constituent receives a penalty charge notice from an IPC member, they are directed to appeal via the Independent Appeals Service, a body accepted by the DVLA for the purpose of handling appeals. Although the IAS is an accredited alternative dispute resolution provider, it is not directly run by the Government. The word “independent” may lead consumers to believe that they are appealing to an impartial Government-run body, but the IAS operates independently of both Government oversight and parking operators. The International Parking Community and the Independent Appeals Service are both trading names of one company, United Trade and Industry Ltd. This overlap raises legitimate concerns about perceived conflicts of interest, as the same corporate entity that profits from private parking companies through membership fees is responsible for overseeing the code of practice and adjudicating disputes under it. This lack of separation, clearly, could undermine trust in the fairness of the process. The IAS asserts that its independence is safeguarded by its use of qualified solicitors or barristers as self-employed adjudicators, all of whom remain anonymous, are duty-bound by their professional codes and are paid fixed fees regardless of appeal outcomes. It is also true that individuals retain the option of appealing a PCN through other means, such as in court, under consumer protection legislation. However, for the average citizen, and particularly for someone without time, resources or legal understanding, the impression of full independence created by the Independent Appeals Service’s name could easily be misleading. At a minimum, the current framework could contribute to a perception of bias and could foster a lack of public confidence. These are precisely the issues that a Government private parking code of practice needs to address. I therefore look forward to the Minister setting out the progress that the Government are making in addressing the issues. I hope to hear about the progress to be made in how private parking is enforced, to ensure greater oversight, consistency and fairness.

• 6 May 2025 · Poverty: Glasgow North East · Hansard source

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  It is a privilege to serve under your chairship, Ms Butler. I commend my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North East (Maureen Burke) on securing this debate and on her heartfelt speech about the impact of poverty in her constituency. My constituency of Glasgow North, which adjoins hers, also faces many of the same factors that contribute to low life expectancy—factors that are clearly linked to poverty. Recent data from the Office for National Statistics has shown that the average life expectancy in Glasgow North is 75.9 years, which is 8.7 years shorter than in the healthiest parts of the UK. However, in a way, that number also acts as a smokescreen. Because it is an average that includes the most affluent areas, it conceals the true life expectancy of the most deprived communities in my constituency. Where someone is born, where they live, and even which streets they grow up on, can help determine how long they live. Although the figures highlight a shocking level of health inequality, they ultimately reflect the deeper and more complex realities of poverty. Poverty does not come from one place; it stems from a web of economic, social and cultural factors. Those are shaped by issues related to class, health, social security, wages, job security, education, housing and access to credit, to name just a few. It is the way that those pressures interact, often reinforcing one another, that sustains the poverty that we see in Glasgow and across the country. The history of place can accentuate those issues, Glasgow’s history being an example. The deindustrialisation of the city combined with the lack of necessary support, planning and investment in the late ’70s and ’80s led to mass unemployment and growing inequalities that are still felt in communities today. Although the previous Labour Government made great progress combating child poverty rates, that has not been sustained. Subsequent national policy choices and global events have only made those systemic issues of poverty worse, with the financial crash, the cuts to public services from Tory austerity and the long-term impact of a global pandemic hampering Glasgow’s prosperity. Poverty can also create vicious cycles, which can appear in many different aspects of someone’s life. For example, if someone’s job is insecure, it is harder for them to afford stable housing. Without a fixed address, it is harder for them to access social security. Without that safety net, the risk of homelessness rises and the cycle continues. That is why it is not enough to talk about employment alone. We need to ensure that work provides security and pays a real living wage. I welcome this Government’s decision to uplift the minimum wage, a vital move that ensures that more people can earn enough to live with dignity. The Employment Rights Bill will go further, ending exploitative zero-hours contracts and helping to ensure that anyone in paid work has stability and protection. But let us be clear: no single policy will solve poverty. What is needed is a joined-up approach—one that brings together housing, health, education, employment and social security. That is why the Government’s focus on building houses, improving the education system, restoring the NHS and promoting economic growth is vital to helping to deliver for those who are most vulnerable. I am also confident that the work of this Labour Government’s child poverty taskforce will be vital in delivering a cross-Government child poverty strategy to reduce and alleviate child poverty. That will be essential in improving children’s lives and life chances now and address the root causes of poverty in the long term. Glasgow is a city of immense potential, rich in culture, talent and resilience. The fact that some of its communities have the lowest life expectancies in the UK is not an inevitability—it is the result of decisions taken in the past. If we make different choices, we can build a city and a country where every child has the opportunity to thrive and every community the chance to prosper. I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say in her response.

• 29 Apr 2025 · Clean Energy Transition · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for her response, but could she go further in setting out the Government’s assessment of how in the clean energy transition new jobs can be created here in the UK in the manufacturing of components for offshore wind and other green energy projects?

• 24 Apr 2025 · EU Trading Relationship · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairing, Sir Jeremy. Due to the limits of time, I will focus on the UK’s creative industries, particularly music and the performing arts. The Department for Culture, Media and Sport estimates that music, the performing arts and the visual arts add approximately £11.2 billion to the UK economy annually and employ 283,000 people. Without dedicated provisions in the UK-EU trade and co-operation agreement, performers, artists and production teams face the challenge of navigating different regulations in each of the 27 EU member states, each of which has its own administrative and financial barriers. Although larger and more established acts may absorb those challenges, they pose disproportionate barriers to emerging talent. Furthermore, this acts as a barrier to cultural exchange between the EU and the UK. Ease of travel for artists and musicians helps to strengthen relationships and business connections across the continent and helps both cultural scenes to thrive. While I welcome the Government’s assurances that they are seeking some form of specific cultural carve-out, or at least allowances for music rules, performing arts and culture touring, there remains a greater need for a systemic change for the creative industry’s access to Europe, and vice versa. That is why I urge the Government to consider a dedicated cultural mobility agreement with the EU or, at the very least, a meaningful cultural exemption to safeguard the future of our creative industries and restore the cultural exchange that has long enriched the EU and the UK. I hope that the Minister will say something on that in his response.

• 3 Apr 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  Under current passport application rules, an applicant needs a counter-signatory who has known them for at least two years and is in good standing in their community or from a recognised profession. One of my constituents has faced a problem with these requirements due to losing contact with her social circle as a result of complex post-traumatic stress disorder. Although in theory discretion exists in these rules, my constituent remains unable to get a passport. Will the Leader of the House allocate Government time for a debate on ensuring passport accessibility?

• 31 Mar 2025 · Political Donations · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mrs Harris. I draw attention to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests regarding donations to my election campaign and through my local Labour party. Often in debates like this, we look at our political system and there is a preoccupation with the form of the democratic system—for example, debates about our voting system or whether we should have a second Chamber. Important as they are, they can often dominate the discourse. The internal mechanisms of democratic political systems are important, but we also need to examine and discuss the relationship of those internal mechanisms with external actors and the political electoral systems in which we operate. That is why I welcome my hon. Friend the Member for North Ayrshire and Arran (Irene Campbell) moving the motion, and I am grateful to the petitioners for bringing the matter before us. At the general election, I stood on a manifesto that pledged to protect democracy by strengthening the rules on donations to political parties. I take that commitment seriously, as effective regulation of political finance is, in my view, crucial for maintaining public trust in our electoral systems across the UK. As has already been mentioned, under current legislation, any company registered as conducting business in the UK is a permissible donor to a political party operating in Great Britain. It is therefore possible for money from foreign sources to enter our politics via donations from UK companies. That undermines the credibility of our political system and gives greater scope for a further decline in trust. That leads to the interests of those foreign groups or individuals, in practice or perception, being seen to have influence in our political system through their funding. I want to address one point that has been raised in this debate, which is the matter of accountability and deterrence. Although foreign donations to political parties and other campaigners are illegal, the current legislation fails to act as a sufficient deterrent. There is an often-quoted behavioural study of day centres that sheds light on this issue—apologies, Mrs Harris, but I will cite it again. In the study, parents who arrived late to pick up their children were fined, but instead of reducing lateness, the number of late pick-ups actually increased. Understandably, the parents began treating the fine as a fee for extra childcare, seeing it as an acceptable trade-off rather than a punishment. We face a similar risk in our political donation system. Under current rules, the electoral system can issue fines of up to £20,000 for breaches. However, for a political party that can spend millions of pounds on a campaign, that amount may be seen as a small price to pay for breaking the rules. It becomes less of a deterrent and more like an operational cost, just as the day care fine became the cost of convenience. If we are serious about protecting the integrity of our electoral system, we must ensure that penalties are strong enough to truly deter illegal behaviour, and are not just seen as a fee to be factored into campaign budgets. As my hon. Friend the Member for North Ayrshire and Arran mentioned, the Committee on Standards in Public Life agrees and suggests that maximum fines should be 4% of the campaign’s total spend or £500,000, whichever is higher. Without sharper teeth in our regulations, we risk allowing those with deeper pockets to buy an unfair advantage, undermining the very principles of democracy. I therefore support the Government’s intention to strengthen the rules on donations to political parties to protect our democracy and uphold the integrity of elections. I understand that they will be published in due course, but I urge the Government to do it as quickly as possible. While the current rules remain in place, the potential for abuse remains evident. The Electoral Commission stated in January this year that it would use its expertise and experience in regulating the political finance regime to help to ensure that any changes are workable and evidence based. Any proposals to change the rules on donations should be properly scrutinised and debated before becoming law. I look forward to this debate continuing when said changes to electoral law are put before the House. To maintain public trust in our electoral system, those rules must be strengthened. It is upon all of us in this place to increase people’s engagement with the political process. However, to develop that engagement and promote transparency, we need to build trust. One way in which we can build that trust is to take action on the rules on political donations.

• 27 Mar 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  An issue of concern for constituents in Glasgow North and elsewhere is the unregulated use of off-road vehicles. Anyone can easily purchase one without registration, and their subsequent use can lead to antisocial behaviour and in some places, including in my own constituency recently, to very tragic consequences. Will the Leader of the House provide time to debate the regulation, including registration, of these off-road vehicles?

• 25 Mar 2025 · Great British Energy Bill · Hansard source

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  I very much welcome the amendment. Does the Minister agree that community energy is important not just for jobs and investment but for engaging communities with the transition to a new energy system? Does he recognise the need for the Government to support those initiatives with funding going forward?

• 13 Mar 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  First, I declare an interest as chair of the all-party group for Fairtrade. The Government have inherited a wide range of trade negotiations with partners including the Gulf Co-operation Council, Israel and India, all of which will have implications for the UK economy, the environment and global trade. What efforts is the Leader of the House making to ensure there is adequate time in the Commons to discuss trade deals?

• 7 Mar 2025 · Space Industry (Indemnities) Bill · Hansard source

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  I declare an interest as a member of the all-party parliamentary group for space. It is perhaps fitting that a week after the planets aligned in the night sky for the first time in 360 years, this House is considering legislation that could help the UK’s thriving space industry. Almost a fifth of UK jobs in the space sector are based in Scotland. Scotland’s space sector leads in small satellite manufacturing. Glasgow builds more small satellites than any other place in Europe. Scotland is also the data-driven capital of Europe, hosting more than 170 data science companies. I commend the efforts of my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow East (John Grady) in his Bill, which would remove barriers to spaceflight activities in Scotland and the UK as a whole, growing the space launch sector. The Bill helps to demonstrate how specific measures supported by the UK Government in reserved matters can help developing industries in Scotland and the UK to grow and prosper. Just as engineers need certainty in their calculations for successful space launches, companies need certainty to be comfortable when investing in an industry. This Bill, by providing an operating liability cap for spaceflight operators, would deliver the legal certainty for the space sector to know the up-front maximum amount they could be liable for. That would reduce uncertainty and make it easier for them to secure insurance coverage. I am aware that talk of insurance and liability is not as interesting as spaceflight itself, but they are, none the less, important for the development of the sector. The Bill signals that it is a growth sector that we are willing to support and to be in dialogue with. It was informed by a consultation on spaceflight liability, insurance and charging by the previous Government. My hon. Friend’s Bill would help reduce the financial risk for those businesses and would align the UK with international standards, thus making it a more attractive location for space companies to invest and operate in. Overall, the Bill would mean more space flights out of Scotland and the rest of the UK, more innovation, and more well-paid jobs. Supporting growth in the space sector would also see a network effect across my city of Glasgow and further afield. My constituency of Glasgow North is home to the University of Glasgow, which houses the expertise, skills and talent that not only benefit the sector already, but serve as a vital pipeline for its future growth. Glasgow has long been a hub for small satellite design and manufacturing, with Scotland holding the title of the second largest producer of satellites after the United States of America. In the Glasgow North constituency, the West of Scotland science park and the Skypark in Finnieston further strengthen that ecosystem, hosting manufacturers and research and development sites that support everything from rocket launchers to small satellite spacecraft. Those facilities play a crucial role in driving innovation and providing high-quality skilled jobs, reinforcing Glasgow’s position at the forefront of the global space industry. I urge colleagues to support the Bill to help the space industry achieve the legal certainty around liabilities that it needs to continue to thrive and source investment. With that growth, we can help deliver jobs and prosperity for Glasgow, Scotland and the rest of the UK. I congratulate my hon. Friend on bringing the Bill to the House, and I am pleased to support it.

• 7 Jan 2025 · Care Sector Salaries · Hansard source

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  Does the Secretary of State agree that the SNP’s National Care Service (Scotland) Bill was a missed opportunity to improve pay and conditions for social care workers, particularly when compared with Labour’s Employment Rights Bill, which creates the fair pay agreement for social care workers?

• 7 Jan 2025 · Budget: Scotland · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Vaz. The Budget of autumn 2024 marked a significant change—a break from the recent past. For too many years, Scotland and the rest of the UK have suffered from an era of austerity, bouts of ideologically charged fiscal and economic illiteracy, and a failure to invest in the present to deliver for the future. The UK Budget heralded a new era of growth and investment for Scotland. It keeps the promises to Scotland made at the general election: ending the era of austerity, providing billions for public services and prioritising economic growth. As has been highlighted, the Budget delivered the largest funding settlement for Scotland in the history of devolution. In this Budget, we get an end to the flawed, ideologically driven years of austerity—replaced with investment, sound public finance and redistribution. The Budget delivered a pay rise for 200,000 of the lowest paid in Scotland through increases in the national living wage. A key test of any Budget is how it balances the cost of expenditure with the raising of revenue to cover that expenditure. The significant test is who gains benefits and who covers costs, and how they are balanced. Inevitably, in most Budgets, costs and benefits are spread, but what is key is how the distribution is stacked up. This Budget shows a very clear pattern of redistribution: those with the most bear the greatest costs, and those with the least gain the greatest benefits. The Budget, together with the Government’s commitment in the new deal for working people and the Employment Rights Bill, indicates a significant and welcome change in direction at the UK level, with direct benefits for Scotland running through it, including investment for economic growth, resources for our public services, an end to austerity and a commitment to redistribution. The Chancellor’s approach—this break from the recent past—needs to be built upon by the Scottish Government; sadly, their recent budget proposals fail to show the leadership required. Despite the record level of funding in the UK Budget for the Scottish Government, the SNP Government have failed to use the opportunity to deliver better outcomes for the people of Scotland in their budget proposals. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Livingston (Gregor Poynton) for securing the debate. It is important to have such an opportunity to reflect on the scale and ambition in the UK Budget, turning the page on the recent years of economic ineptitude and missed opportunities and, in their place, securing investment for economic growth, public services and the redistribution of resources. It is a Budget for Scotland and for the rest of the UK.

• 4 Dec 2024 · Economic Growth · Hansard source

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  9. What steps he has taken with Cabinet colleagues to help support economic growth in Scotland.

• 4 Dec 2024 · Economic Growth · Hansard source

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  I recently visited Vector Photonics in my constituency, an optical and photonic centre of excellence and a successful spin-out from Glasgow University. What role does the Secretary of State believe there is for start-up and spin-out tech companies in Scotland’s economic growth?

• 4 Nov 2024 · Income Tax (Charge) · Hansard source

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  Because of the limits on time, I will mostly keep my comments to one sector of the economy: the cultural sector, which is very significant in the Glasgow North constituency. I very much welcome the measures in the Budget to support the arts, culture and creative industries by implementing the 45% and 40% rates of theatre, orchestra, museum and galleries tax relief from April next year. Those measures, along with the Government’s recognition of the creative and arts sector’s contribution to the economy, are so important. That is particularly clear in my constituency, given the presence of important venues and institutions including Scottish Opera, King Tut’s, the National Theatre of Scotland, the Royal Conservatoire, the Royal Scottish National Orchestra, the Theatre Royal, the Pavilion, the King’s theatre, the Kelvingrove art galleries, the Hydro, the School of Art, the Mitchell library, BBC Studioworks, the Gallery of Modern Art, the Glasgow Royal concert hall, the Hunterian Museum and the Riverside Museum, to name just some. It is very easy to think of the sector in terms of performers—dancers, singers, musicians; those on the stage and those in front of the cameras—but there are also very many skilled professionals employed in the sector: the sound technicians, the costume design teams, the camera operators, the lighting engineers, the archivists, the conservation experts, the prop makers and the stage managers, along with the teams in front of house, facilities, security and so on. The sector adds to the rich and diverse cultural life of the city, but it also adds to the local economy, drawing visitors to the city, employing thousands of people and creating customer demand for nearby businesses. The Budget presented to the House last week delivers the largest settlement for the Scottish Government in the history of devolution. It is a clear and tangible sign of the importance of Scotland to this Government—a Government committed to delivering for Scotland and for all of the UK. This is how we deliver for working people: with the end of the era of austerity, raising much-needed cash for our under-resourced public services and delivering a pay rise for 200,000 of the lowest-paid Scots. I recognise that much of policy on culture and the arts is devolved. With the record settlement in this Budget, it is time for the Scottish Government to play fair by the sector, and to finally end the blame game and end their waste and financial mismanagement. They have the powers and the resources; they need to deliver to ensure that the working people of Glasgow and Scotland truly benefit from this transformative Budget.

• 4 Sept 2024 · Industrial Strategy · Hansard source

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  An industrial strategy that embraces the jobs of the future must involve our higher education institutions, including the three world-class universities in Glasgow. What are the Government doing to ensure that that is the case?