Martin Rhodes MP: speeches

Speeches

• 2 Jul 2026 · Air Pollution · Hansard source

  More

  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Efford. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Brent West (Barry Gardiner) on securing this important debate. Clean air is not simply an issue about health and the environment, but a moral imperative of our time. It is a challenge that requires urgency, with current legislation and frameworks lagging behind the science, alongside more joined-up thinking and action across agencies, Government Departments and devolved Administrations. I hope that the Minister can say something about the work that his Department is doing with others to take the issue forward. Clean air is an environmental, health and social justice issue. Poor air quality is an environmental challenge. Many of our wild plants and much of our natural environment cannot tolerate high pollution levels, which can devastate grasslands, peatlands and moorlands, leading to a loss of pollinators and significantly harming biodiversity. That matters on a bigger scale, because the ecosystems that we depend on for air, water and a liveable planet are being damaged. Poor air quality is a public health issue. It shortens lives and contributes to between 30,000 and 40,000 premature deaths every year. It increases the risk of diseases such as dementia, lung cancer, cardiovascular disease and diabetes. It affects all of us, but particularly the young, the old, pregnant women and their unborn children. That brings me to air quality as a social justice issue. Clean air is an equity issue: those more likely to have underlying conditions are also more likely to live in environments that worsen them. The areas most exposed to pollution are often the poorest, where proximity to traffic and poor housing often go hand in hand. That is why tackling the root causes is essential. Interventions can make a real difference. Air pollution was once widely associated with transport, but strategies—most notably, the shift away from diesel and the uptake of electric vehicles—have reduced transport’s impact. Alongside national action, local strategies matter. As has been mentioned, London’s ULEZ reduced NO 2 levels by 40% before lockdown, and, since the clean air zone was introduced in Bradford, it is reported that GP visits for cardiovascular and respiratory problems have reduced by 25%. However, success in one area should not obscure challenges elsewhere. Wood burning affects air quality inside homes. There must be a focus on air quality indoors, where we spend up to 80% to 90% of our time, as much as a focus on air quality outdoors and on how we protect buildings such as schools, hospitals and community facilities. Yes, we need more ambitious targets and a stronger framework, but, just as importantly, we must secure buy-in from local communities. Although national targets set direction, local needs are best addressed locally. That means empowering not only local authorities, important though that is, but communities themselves. Clean air cannot be delivered from the top down alone; alongside funding, we need expertise and partnerships so that residents, schools and community organisations can lead change. Community-led initiatives, such as local monitoring, clean transport and neighbourhood campaigns, would make the pollution issue visible, and give people a real stake in improving it. I hope that the Minister can say something about the involvement of communities in taking forward the important measures that are required. Public engagement must be at the heart of our efforts. Clean air should be seen as essential to everyday health. By raising awareness, and giving people the opportunity to shape solutions, we can turn an invisible scourge into a shared priority. With national ambition and local action, we can become a world leader in air quality again.

• 10 Jun 2026 · Glasgow Commonwealth Games 2026 · Hansard source

  More

  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Twigg. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow West (Patricia Ferguson) on securing the debate. She is a consistent and effective advocate for Glasgow and for sport in Scotland, and her contribution in this House and elsewhere in public life has undoubtedly helped to shape the strong sporting and events culture that Glasgow rightly prides itself on today. This debate goes to the heart of something that I have spoken about in this place before: how we use opportunity to deliver growth that is not only strong but shared. In my constituency of Glasgow North sit three of the key venues for the Glasgow Commonwealth games 2026: the OVO Hydro, the SEC Centre and the SEC Armadillo, which together form the Scottish Event Campus—a central part of Glasgow’s economic life for over 40 years. The SEC is not simply a venue; it is an essential piece of economic infrastructure for the city. It has developed into one of Europe’s leading event destinations, supporting over 5,000 jobs, generating £557 million each year for Glasgow’s economy and attracting more than 2 million visitors annually. Major events such as the Glasgow 2026 Commonwealth games are not simply important occasions; they are economic instruments that can, when embedded within a wider strategy, drive growth. Every major event hosted in Glasgow—whether it is COP26, an international aquaculture conference or a Charli XCX concert—brings with it not just visitors but investment, knowledge exchange and long-term connections. The Commonwealth games bring all that together at scale. In this debate we are rightly focusing on the Commonwealth games, but it would be remiss of me as chair of the all-party parliamentary group for events not to highlight the consistent economic benefit of the many business events and conferences that take place in the SEC and elsewhere in the city on a regular basis. It is important that the UK Government and the Scottish Government support not only the Commonwealth games and other important sporting and cultural events, but the hugely significant business events sector. In 2026, more than 3,000 athletes from 74 nations will come to Glasgow, with the SEC hosting the opening ceremony and the basketball, wheelchair basketball, bowls, para bowls, boxing, judo, netball, weightlifting and para powerlifting events. The fact that so much activity will take place in my constituency illustrates both the scale of the opportunity and the responsibility that comes with it. Today, Glasgow stands as one of the UK’s most important city regions, with world-class universities, advanced industries and a thriving cultural sector. However, as I have said in the House before, it is also a city still marked by inequality, where growth exists alongside deprivation and where opportunity has not been felt across all communities. This is a key test for the 2026 games. Success cannot be judged solely by attendance figures or broadcast reach; it must instead be measured by whether the economic benefits are felt across the entire city region, particularly by those communities who have waited longest for change. That means linking the games more directly to local employment and skills, and I welcome the work that the games’ organisers have done on that. It is also important that local businesses are able to participate in supply chains, and that we invest in the necessary connectivity so that people across the region can access the opportunities created. The reality is that economic activity in Glasgow now operates at a regional scale, with major events intersecting with transport systems, labour markets and investment decisions extending well beyond the city boundary. That is why we need a more strategic and long-term approach to major events such as Glasgow 2026—one that plans ahead, aligns activity with economic priorities and co-ordinates delivery across the region. It is also why I have consistently argued for greater devolution to the Glasgow city region. This is not about constitutional preference but about practical delivery: local people are best placed to ensure that opportunities such as the Commonwealth games translate into tangible outcomes for our communities. In that context, Government support must go beyond the successful delivery of the event itself. It must recognise the SEC as a strategic national asset, align the games with wider priorities such as tourism, trade and investment, and support a long-term plan that builds on Glasgow’s proven strengths in hosting major events. The 2026 Commonwealth games represent the next stage in that journey: an opportunity to reinforce the city’s global reputation, drive further economic growth and, importantly, ensure that that growth is shared more widely across the city region, including by the communities I represent in Glasgow North. What matters now is that we match that opportunity with an even greater level of long-term ambition. If we do, Glasgow 2026 will be not simply a one-off great occasion, but a lasting legacy of change for the Glasgow city region.

• 4 Jun 2026 · Pride Month · Hansard source

  More

  This time last year, in the debate on Pride Month in this House, I told the story of one of my constituents who had served in the military and had been dismissed because of his sexuality. He was treated at that time with a casual brutality. One positive thing about the debate was that a large number of Members wanted to speak, and with a desire to accommodate everyone—understandably—a time limit on contributions was introduced, so unfortunately I had to hurriedly reduce my seven or eight-minute speech to three minutes to fit the time limit. The next morning, having thought about this, I resolved to contact the constituent to apologise, because I felt that in the limited time available I had not done justice to his story. However, when I opened my emails to find his contact details, I saw there was an email from him. I opened it and the email was thanking me for telling his story. That indicates why Pride is so important: it is about stories being told, voices heard, lives recognised. It is about our community of communities being seen and heard. It is about being recognised and celebrated for who we are, not just kindly tolerated. Every year during Pride Month, we seem to get into the debate about whether Pride is a celebration or a protest. My contribution to those discussions has usually been along similar lines to those used by the Minister in her opening contribution: it is both a celebration and a protest. But now I think it is perhaps something else: Pride is indeed a place. Pride is a place where people can be their authentic selves without judgment or fear. Pride, above all else, should be a place free from shame—that shame we are so often taught from an early age, the shame felt at being who we are, that feeling that we are not quite who we should be. At best, it is the casual assumption by others that we are something we are not. At worst, it is name calling, mockery, rejection and hate. That shame is reinforced by social norms and assumptions. Pride is that place where people do not have to justify who they are. Yes, Pride can be a public place, a place of declaration, but Pride can be a private place, too—a private place where people find calm in knowing who they are, shedding shame and being themselves. No one should be expected to have to declare repeatedly who they are on request. No one should be challenged on a regular basis to justify who they are. We need to find ways as a society to offer protection to all, but that do not infringe on the privacy of all. We need to find ways of ensuring that all feel safe and are treated with dignity. That may not be straightforward, but it should not be impossible. I welcome what this Government have done to equalise the law so that hate crimes towards LGBT+ people attract the same severity of sentence as other forms of hate crime, and I commend the work of my hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire and Bedworth (Rachel Taylor) in advocating so effectively with others for that change. I welcome the Government’s commitment to a fully inclusive ban on conversion practices. No one should be allowed to be systematically abused because of their gender identity or their sexuality. I hope that across this House we can support legislation to bring that into force. There are times when I have celebrated progress, times when I have been frustrated by the pace of progress and times when I have been worried by barriers to progress. The truth now is that I have all those feelings in this debate. I can see progress to be celebrated; I can feel some frustration that some things are taking longer than I had hoped for; and I can see opportunities for progress that I feel are being missed. That is why this Pride Month it is all the more important for me to be in that place we call Pride and to share that place with others. I recognise that Pride does not mean that there will not be those who will mock and name call, threaten and abuse. There will be those who seek to roll back progress and to restrict rights. There will be those who seek to divide us. Our place of Pride is not some fabulous rainbow-glittered ghetto; our Pride is everywhere: on every train and every bus, in every pub and every café, in every factory and every office, in every supermarket and every petrol station, in every food bank and every restaurant, in every sports grounds and every cinema. This month we mark Pride Month, but every month, every week and every day when we live without shame, it is Pride—in place of fear, peace; in place of hate, love; in place of shame; Pride.

• 2 Jun 2026 · Glasgow City Region Economy · Hansard source

  More

  I thank the hon. Member for that intervention. I agree and will go on in my speech to talk about how the work of the city deals needs to be developed further. Those structures and activities need to be built on to ensure we get the most from that initial interest to develop it further. The Glasgow city region economy has seen real investment from the UK Labour Government but much more can be done. With greater devolved powers over areas such as infrastructure, skills, investment and public health, the region will be better placed to shape solutions around the needs of its communities. That would not be devolution for the sake of it. Greater local autonomy can help reduce inequality, improve health outcomes and create new jobs and opportunities across the region. As the city region is right now, I welcome the significant investment that the UK Labour Government are already delivering. The new local growth fund, combined with the Pride in Place programmes, is set to deliver nearly £94 million in investment over the next three years. The combination of those funds delivers long-term infrastructure and renewal. That approach will help the Glasgow city region to invest in long-term renewal, an ambition that needs to be matched by sustained adequate local government funding from the Scottish Government. This UK Labour Government have delivered the largest spending review settlement in the history of the Scottish Parliament, which amounted to £50 billion in last year’s settlement. That is in stark contrast to the Scottish Government, which instead of passing that funding increase to local government, continued to enforce cuts to communities. From 2013 to 2026, Glasgow city council alone has seen a £1.5 billion loss in Scottish Government funding. Those cuts to local government funding have left councils across the region overstretched and focused on struggling to deliver core services, with little left over for the long-term investment the city region needs.

• 2 Jun 2026 · Glasgow City Region Economy · Hansard source

  More

  Yes, I agree that we need devolution of power from Holyrood. One of the ironies of the devolution period in Scotland is that although powers have been devolved from the UK to Scotland, power has been hoarded in the Scottish Parliament and Scottish Government and not devolved to local government and local communities. The UK Labour Government’s investment is not a substitute for sound local government funding. It is targeted, strategic funding designed to deliver the transformational projects that drive growth, create better jobs and build more prosperous communities. That investment reflects real ambition for the city region and is a fundamentally different offer to the Scottish Government’s short-sighted approach. While the Scottish Government neglect the Glasgow city region, this Labour Government have been representing its interests in our trade abroad. The £10 billion defence deal with Norway has secured thousands of jobs at shipyards on the Clyde while also supporting many small and medium-sized UK and Scottish businesses in the supply chain. This Labour Government are supporting skilled jobs and opportunities in our city region communities that need them. The UK Government are not supporting only traditional industries such as shipbuilding; they are also supporting the region’s future technology industries. I recently visited the University of Glasgow-based Responsible Electronics and Circular Technologies programme, which was established in my constituency in 2024 with more than £6 million of UK Government funding. REACT brings together industry and academia to design sustainable solutions for the electronics sector. Projects like that create high skilled jobs, strengthen supply chains and ensure that Glasgow city region remains at the forefront of future industrial development. With that dynamic and growing economy in the region, it is clear why devolving power and funding to the city region would help industry, businesses and communities. It would allow policies to be better shaped to serve communities where these investments are happening. Already, the Glasgow city region cabinet, a unique governance structure established to oversee the Glasgow city deal that brings together the leaders of the local authorities, helps to deliver these types of regional programmes. However, that governance structure was created for a particular purpose: to oversee a significant but limited city deal programme. It needs to be transformed to meet the new reality and the ambition of the region shown by recent UK Government investment. Since being elected, I have met with businesses, public transport providers and campaigners, and representatives from the city region to discuss this issue. All of them acknowledge that the Glasgow city region as a metropolitan area needs a regional structure to deliver aligned region-wide policies. That would allow the Glasgow city region to tailor its policies to the needs of our communities. However, devolution must be about outcomes, not simply structures. Any transfer of power must come with clear accountability, strong governance and a focus on what matters to our communities: reducing poverty, improving health outcomes and creating good jobs. As the city region develops, there will also need to be stronger democratic accountability around the decisions being made. What matters most, however, is that power is placed closer to the communities affected by those decisions. That means better systems to identify the barriers keeping communities in poverty and regional solutions to break down those barriers. That stands in contrast to years in which powers have sat concentrated in Holyrood, with little meaningful transfer to the city region. The Glasgow city region is reaching an important moment in its development. There is now a growing recognition that city regions such as ours are best placed to shape solutions to the challenges and opportunities facing our communities. Importantly, that work is being matched by growing investment and institutional confidence. The city region now oversees a portfolio of more than £2 billion and is working with partners, including the National Wealth Fund, to shape the next stage of the region’s development. If we get this right, the Glasgow city region can play an even greater role in the Scottish and UK economies while delivering practical improvements in people’s lives: better transport, stronger local economies, good jobs and healthier communities. In the meantime, there is so much to be proud of. World-leading universities, high-skilled jobs and art, culture and sport make it one of the UK’s greatest city regions. It deserves the support it needs to tackle the challenges it faces and deliver real change for the communities of the Glasgow city region. As for the future, regional devolution for the metropolitan areas of Manchester, Liverpool and the west midlands is proof that greater city region devolution can work. The foundations for governance are already in place in the Glasgow city region, and the UK Labour Government have shown, through significant investment and their partnership with the city region body, that they understand that empowering the Glasgow city region will help it succeed further, economically and culturally. The hugely beneficial impact of UK-funded initiatives such as the local growth fund, the Pride in Place programme, the Norway defence deal and the city deal—

• 2 Jun 2026 · Glasgow City Region Economy · Hansard source

  More

  I beg to move, That this House has considered Government support for the Glasgow city region economy. It is a pleasure to serve with you chairing, Ms Jardine. The Glasgow city region is at the heart of the Scottish economy and is a fundamental pillar of the larger UK economy. Home to 1.85 million people, across eight local authority areas, the Glasgow city region accounts for around a third of Scotland’s employment and economic output. Shipbuilding on the Clyde; world-leading university research and spin-offs; the largest production of miniature satellites in Europe; one of the largest financial sectors in the UK outside London; an established and growing advanced manufacturing base; and a dynamic and thriving cultural sector are integral parts of the city region’s economy. This is a city region that includes UNESCO City of Music status for Glasgow, and playing host to COP26 in 2021 and the Commonwealth games in 2014, to be hosted again in Glasgow this summer. That all paints a picture of the Glasgow city region as a major economic and cultural success, but it is still held back by historical challenges. Its history of deindustrialisation has left deep-rooted issues of poverty and inequality that are still being grappled with today in many communities. The region has one of the highest percentages of people with no formal education, while also having one of the highest percentages of people with higher-level qualifications or more. Parts of the region have some of the highest deprivation in the UK, along with some of the highest drug deaths in Europe, although the city region also contains some of the wealthiest areas of Scotland. That gets to the crux of the matter. Support for the Glasgow city region economy must be judged not only by headline growth figures but by whether the benefits reach all communities, particularly those who have waited longest for change.

• 2 Jun 2026 · Glasgow City Region Economy · Hansard source

  More

  I thank my hon. Friend for his customarily well versed arguments for his constituency and the skills, developments and opportunities there. It is true that when we talk about the city region we are talking about not just the city itself but all parts of the city and the surrounding region. The impact of every £1 of investment could go further. When funding is channelled through empowered regional structures, with engagement, accountability and governance systems providing tailored local policies, it has a multiplier effect on everything it delivers. That means delivering for not just the wealthiest parts of the city but those communities that are most in need of support in all parts of the city region, within the city boundary and beyond. My constituents in Glasgow North, along with people in the rest of the region, deserve high-quality affordable homes, an integrated transport network and good jobs, which an empowered city region can help deliver. I welcome the Minister’s reflections on what steps the UK Government plan to take to support the Glasgow city region’s economic ambitions. I also welcome any further reflections on what the UK Government can do to help accelerate the transfer of powers to the city region. The Glasgow city region is a major economic and cultural success, but it is still held back by historical challenges. With the right powers behind it, with sustained local authority funding and with the UK’s Government’s investment, it could go much further in delivering improved health, good housing and rewarding, well paid jobs for our communities. The test will be how it delivers for all our communities, and for all in our communities, so that they can not only survive or live but truly flourish.

• 5 Mar 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

  More

  Can the Leader of the House make Government time available for a debate on involving young people in decision making? When I recently visited primary 6 classes at St Monica’s primary school in my constituency, they made thoughtful points about issues in their local Milton community and their aspirations for the area. Does the Leader of the House agree that we should do more to ensure that young people’s voices genuinely shape the decisions that impact them?

• 5 Mar 2026 · Commonwealth Troops: First World War · Hansard source

  More

  I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Ilford South on securing this important debate and on his powerful opening speech. Many Commonwealth troops made the ultimate sacrifice for us. In my constituency of Glasgow North, there are a number of Commonwealth war grave sites and memorials that commemorate a total of 1,100 individuals. The Western Necropolis in Glasgow North alone contains 500 service personnel from both world wars who are laid to rest in Commonwealth war graves. Among them are Canadians, Australians and even American volunteers who served in Commonwealth forces. Those sites are an important reminder not just of the sacrifice that Commonwealth soldiers made, but of the role that Glasgow played in the war effort, from shipbuilding on the Clyde to the hospitals caring for the wounded. However, we must also take time to recognise the contribution of those Commonwealth soldiers who made the ultimate sacrifice, yet, often due to their nationality, did not receive the recognition they deserved. These forgotten or neglected soldiers were often from the then empire, originating from places such as modern-day Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. My hon. Friend the Member for Ilford South and the hon. Member for Leicester South (Shockat Adam) made reference to Khudadad Khan, who was the first Indian Muslim to receive the Victoria Cross. We must do more to ensure that soldiers like Khan, and the more than 4 million British Indian Army soldiers who served in the two world wars, are adequately remembered. In my constituency, the Colourful Heritage charity has been working hard to promote those contributions through an exhibition in Kelvingrove museum and educational resources for schools across Scotland, helping the public and young people to engage with this history. More recently, Colourful Heritage, along with partners, has been granted planning permission to establish Scotland’s first permanent memorial to the British Indian Army in the grounds of Kelvingrove. The design was agreed on after consultation with community and faith groups, as well as with pupils across a number of schools in Scotland. The memorial reflects the diversity of those who served—Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians and those of no religious faith. Thus far, they have raised more than £100,000, with the aim of raising a total of £270,000 to complete the memorial. I am sure that Members across the House will wish them well in achieving that important goal. As we reflect today on the contribution of Commonwealth soldiers to the first world war, I note that our understanding of it deepens over time, as new stories come to light and previously overlooked service is properly recognised.

• 12 Feb 2026 · LGBT+ History Month · Hansard source

  More

  I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Nottingham East (Nadia Whittome) for her introduction to the debate. According to data compiled by the House of Commons Library, over 10% of the population of my Glasgow North constituency identify as lesbian, gay or bisexual—one of the highest proportions in the country—and over 1% identify as transgender, which is also well above the national average. The data illustrate a wider story of a growing number of people feeling confident to live their lives openly as their true selves. At the same time, there are those who feel unable to do so, and those who feel that they can only be open about themselves in some circumstances but not in others. The recent history of LGBT+ rights has seen a growing confidence shaping and being shaped by legislative change and by cultural-societal change: cultural-societal change influencing legislative change; and, in turn, legislative change influencing cultural-societal change. Progress has been made in recent decades, but for many that progress now feels less secure than ever. LGBT+ History Month gives us an opportunity to reflect on this history: a history of prejudice and of progress; a history of shame and of pride; a history marked by hatred and by love. Too many personal histories have never fully been told, too many talents never fully celebrated, and too many denied the opportunities to live their lives fully. There are also those who, despite challenges and barriers, hatred and discrimination, have lived their lives as fully as they could, enhancing the lives of many and still remembered today. Constituencies like mine, in large cities, have so often been a magnet for LGBT+ people, who see the big city as perhaps more liberal or more anonymous: the smalltown boy phenomenon, put into anthemic form by Bronski Beat in the ’80s. For many, big cities like Glasgow have been a lifeline and have become their space, but for too many others, the dazzle of the bright lights hid dark places. The draw of the big city has been around for many decades. In 1933, two working-class Scots, Robert Colquhoun and Robert MacBryde, often referred to as “the Two Roberts”, arrived at the Glasgow School of Art from Ayrshire. They went on to become renowned artists and shared a lifelong romantic relationship at a time when gay relationships were illegal. There are histories of LGBT+ artists, writers and musicians, but there are histories too—not recorded and not told—of LGBT+ shop assistants, delivery drivers and joiners. These histories need to be written and told. As we recall and retell LGBT+ history this month, we celebrate progress but also recognise the difficult times. I was a teenager and became an adult in the 1980s, when the world was faced with what is now referred to as the AIDS crisis. At the time, I recall the newspaper headlines referring to “the gay plague”. I still remember clearly reading a news story about how schools were cancelling swimming lessons at a local authority swimming pool because gay men had been swimming there. I also remember a story about a café owner who reassured his customers by telling them not to worry, as he had smashed and got rid of the crockery and cutlery used by a gay customer and deep cleaned the café. There was a clear popular narrative that gay equals illness equals death. Even by 1996, when the film “Beautiful Thing” was released, it was still possible to shock by having a mainstream film with gay characters who end the film alive, well and happy. LGBT+ History Month is an opportunity to recall history, to celebrate and to pay respects. It is also an opportunity in this place to reflect on how legislative change has not just been the result of cultural-societal change, but also how legislative change can be a tool to drive cultural-societal change. It is an opportunity for us in this place to reflect on that and to acknowledge the importance of the leadership that can be taken through legislative change. Ultimately, it is a call for us to act. History moves on. It is our job to make the next legislative change. I look forward to hearing from the Minister about the progress that is being made to bring forward comprehensive and inclusive legislation to ban conversion practices outright. We need to bring forward that legislation, quite rightly, in response to calls for it, but also because it is our duty in this place not just to respond but also to lead progressively. It is for us to take action and to legislate to reflect the changes in society, but it also our duty to use the powers that we have to change society for the better. In this LGBT+ History Month, let us remember the history that has brought us to where we are, but also remember our responsibility to help shape the history that is still to be written.

• 12 Feb 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

  More

  I recently hosted a drop-in advice surgery with my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow West (Patricia Ferguson) for people living with dementia and their carers. I was struck by the vital role played by local dementia support groups, such as Dementia Heroes in the west end of Glasgow. Will the Leader of the House make time for a debate on recognising the importance of these community-led organisations?

• 11 Dec 2025 · Fairtrade Certification · Hansard source

  More

  First, I thank all those who have taken part in the debate. We have covered a lot of common ground but brought a lot of different perspectives to it. A number of hon. Members, including the Minister and the shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Reigate (Rebecca Paul), and my hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton West (Warinder Juss), mentioned community campaigns, which are an important part of Fairtrade. Others, such as the hon. Member for North Herefordshire (Dr Chowns), have spoken about campaigns more generally,. Other hon. Members have also raised business— my hon. Friend the Member for Cumbernauld and Kirkintilloch (Katrina Murray) talked about what can go wrong when good practice is not in place, while others reflected on where business practice goes right. My hon. Friend the Member for Ealing Central and Acton (Dr Huq) talked about what can happen when things are not done ethically and about the difference that the Fairtrade premium can make when they are. Others emphasised the input of producers, including my hon. Friends the Members for Ealing Central and Acton and for Cumbernauld and Kirkintilloch. Those different perspectives show one of the great strengths of Fairtrade: it brings together consumers, producers, campaigners and businesses to look at what can be achieved through certification. I very much welcome what the Minister said about global connectedness. That is what underpins all this: the recognition that we are much more connected through trade, culture, travel and everything else than we were previously. In some ways, that broadens people’s horizons, and makes them see and understand things that they never previously had the chance to think about or knew existed, and it can help uncover injustices and make action more possible. However, in other ways, we see trading activity that is based on entering into places to deliberately and repeatedly exploit them. We had some discussion earlier about the aid budget. I, too, look forward to returning to 0.7% of GDP, but as I said, when the UK aid budget and aid budgets across the world have been cut, we must look much more at trade and other means to achieve the principles that we all want to achieve. The Minister spoke about “free and fair” trade and discussed what that means with the hon. Member for Richmond Park (Sarah Olney), but it is important to reflect on what was said. We want free trade, but if we free up trade and tear down barriers, and yet the underlying system does not allow for fairness, we will get an unfair outcome. We therefore need to make sure that fairness is embedded, and Fairtrade has shown itself for a number of years to be a proven way of doing trade that is mutually beneficial to all in the supply chain. I welcome the Minister setting out the principles behind the responsible business review, and I very much welcome the fact that human rights and environmental due diligence are part of that. The Minister made mention of the Bribery Act 2010, which provides a framework for legislation—

• 11 Dec 2025 · Fairtrade Certification · Hansard source

  More

  The hon. Member’s highlights that certification schemes, important though they are, are not the only answer; we need to look at legislation and statutory guidance that will drive change in the system overall. I will speak later about what we can do in legislative terms to ensure that all the supply chains involved in goods and services sold in the UK are properly regulated and that we have a system in place to look at standards in the UK and elsewhere in those supply chains. A recent example of the advocacy work of the Fairtrade Foundation is its “Brew it Fair” campaign, which called for greater accountability and responsibility in the tea sector. Some 13 million people source employment from the tea industry, and 60% of the world’s tea is produced by smallholder farmers. Regrettably, this market is made up of a high number of farmers and workers with low incomes and wages, working in the context of increasingly difficult conditions for farming due to climate change. This campaign called on the Government to do more to collaborate with the industry to deliver living wages and incomes for those in the tea sector and to be bolder in how we approach supply chain due diligence, and called for the UK to continue to honour its international climate finance commitments. During Fairtrade fortnight, at the end of September, around 117,000 people across the UK engaged with more than 1,000 local grassroots activities in support of the “Brew it Fair” campaign. Many of them were Fairtrade communities, a network of local campaign groups across the UK. My hon. Friend the Member for Lancaster and Wyre (Cat Smith) wished to speak today but is unable to do so due to prior commitments. However, she told me she wants on the record her recognition of the hard work of the Garstang Fairtrade community—passionate campaigners on these issues in the world’s first Fairtrade town. Support for Fairtrade cuts across communities and generations, from faith communities who see it as an important part of their social mission, to student activists inspired by its empowering impact, to rural communities who know through lived experience where power lies in agricultural supply chains. When Fairtrade hosted tea farmers from Kenya and India to speak directly to politicians and policy makers, that demonstrated exactly why advocacy is so important: it closes the vast proximity gap, often spanning cultures and oceans, between those who make decisions in this place and in boardrooms and those working at the very beginning of supply chains to deliver so many of the goods we enjoy. Yesterday, Fairtrade’s “Brew it Fair” campaign culminated in a cross-party group of MPs, activists, and representatives from business and the Fairtrade Foundation handing a petition in to Downing Street, signed by over 21,000 people, containing the main asks of the campaign. The petition calls on the Government to introduce a law on human rights and environmental due diligence to oblige the public sector and businesses to prevent human rights abuses and environmental harms across their supply chains. I look forward to the Minister reflecting on the asks of the campaign in his response. In particular, I ask that he updates us on the Government’s position on human rights and environmental due diligence. The petition’s ask is the most important of the campaign, and the clearest ask of this debate.

• 11 Dec 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

  More

  An organisation in my constituency, the Courtyard Pantry Enterprise, has this year established the Wester Common unity market, a community market that has seen growing demand from residents who are increasingly dissatisfied with the lack of quality fresh produce available locally. The market provides not only affordable, locally sourced food, but a much-valued social space where people can meet and build community. Given the positive economic and social impacts of such initiatives, will the Leader of the House make time for a debate on support for local markets, small producers and community-led food initiatives?

• 24 Nov 2025 · Gaza: Humanitarian Obligations · Hansard source

  More

  I agree—there is a huge priority in getting humanitarian aid in, and it is absolutely upon the international community, including ourselves, to do all that we can to ensure that flow of aid. To ensure that children and families have sustained access to aid and the services needed to recover and rebuild their lives, Gaza’s healthcare system must be restored. For that to happen, there must be a removal of all remaining restrictions and bureaucratic impediments to the entry of aid, especially food, water, fuel, medical supplies and other critical humanitarian items. I therefore hope the Minister will confirm that, as part of the UK’s involvement in the Civil-Military Co-ordination Centre tasked with co-ordinating humanitarian aid and recovery in Gaza, he has set the critical and achievable objective of ensuring that British aid charities such as Medical Aid for Palestinians and Oxfam can operate freely and without restriction in Gaza, including with unhindered entry for staff, medical teams and vital humanitarian supplies. Many questions remain regarding the scale of continued suffering in Gaza. Why did UNICEF have at least 938,000 bottles of infant formula released only recently, when they were stuck at the border since August? How can a lifesaving vaccination campaign by UNICEF succeed when 1.6 million syringes and other vital supplies have been kept outside Gaza for months, blocked from entering despite the urgent necessity? Why, according to UNICEF, have at least 58 children been killed in conflict-related incidents since 11 October? The UK must redouble efforts to pressure Israeli authorities to maintain the ceasefire and allow UN-backed professional humanitarian agencies to reach people in need at scale with meaningful assistance. Only then will Gaza be able to rebuild its homes, health and future. A viable Palestinian state is required if we are to see a two-state solution. I look forward to the Minister’s response to this debate.

• 22 Oct 2025 · Devolution in Scotland · Hansard source

  More

  I thank the hon. Member for Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross (Jamie Stone) for securing the debate and for his thoughtful and reflective opening speech. Although the Scottish Parliament may be a place of hotly debated politics, the importance of Scottish devolution is unquestionable. It is right to refer to devolution and the Scottish Parliament as the “settled will” of the Scottish people. As predicted, it has become a cornerstone for Scottish democracy in the UK, but closing the political and social gap between the decision makers and the people those decisions impact upon cannot and should not stop at devolution from London to Edinburgh—from this place to Holyrood. In recent years we have seen the benefits of further devolving power and funding to city regions across the UK, with the ability at local level to create and tailor policies to better serve communities. In Scotland, however, devolution appears to have stalled at Holyrood. In recent years, the SNP has followed the principle of “devolution for me and not for thee”. There seems to have been little appetite from the Scottish Government to pass power and more funding to the Glasgow city region and other communities across Scotland. Devolution has effectively stalled. This is even though further devolution is the logical continuation of the principles of power sharing, representation and accountability that were pivotal in the creation of the Scottish Parliament in the first place. Such a continuation of devolution is important for the Glasgow metropolitan region—a city region with a well developed and established collaboration system. This includes the city deal—one of the largest in the UK—the UK Government’s shared prosperity fund and the city region innovation accelerator, to name just a few. These investments have already delivered jobs and major regeneration for areas across Glasgow city region. This is proof that the Glasgow region can handle more responsibility while also creating a case for more necessary accountability and governance. The Glasgow city region is now at a point where the Scottish Government and the city region need to look at a range of policy areas and levers, including powers over transport, housing, skills, economic development and public service reform, and to devolve those appropriate powers to allow the Glasgow city region to tailor its policies to the needs of our communities. For our communities, this could mean better buses that turn up on time, people no longer on housing waiting lists for years and years, and more opportunities for neglected communities. The devolution of powers and responsibilities must be based on strategic aims, providing the processes to deliver the policies to achieve those aims, and those processes must be accountable and transparent with robust governance, but all of this must be rooted in the outcomes that we want to achieve: to reduce inequality and poverty; to improve access to healthcare and improve health outcomes; and to create new jobs and opportunities. A recent report by the Centre for Cities makes this case for further devolution, too. It estimates that if Glasgow performed in line with cities of comparable size, Scotland’s economy could be 4.6% larger. When I campaigned with so many others during the referendum in 1997 for the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, it was to devolve powers from this place as appropriate to the Scottish Parliament. It was not for those powers and responsibilities then to be hoarded by Holyrood; it was part of a wider process to devolve power down through local government and to communities and citizens. During next year’s Scottish election, the Scottish people again have an opportunity to revitalise devolution. By electing a Scottish Labour Government with Anas Sarwar as First Minister, they can have a Government who are committed to the principle of devolution and who will deliver on the priorities of the Scottish people, instead of continuing with constitutional posturing. We can build on the successes of the Scottish Parliament and develop a stronger Scottish Parliament. It will be made stronger not by grasping on to powers but by devolving powers further. We can renew the commitment to devolution, renew the commitment to empower communities and renew our direction—all of that in the service of the Scottish people.

• 16 Jul 2025 · Credit Unions · Hansard source

  More

  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Twigg. I commend my hon. Friend the Member for Cumbernauld and Kirkintilloch (Katrina Murray) for securing the debate and for her speech highlighting the importance of credit unions, both now and in the future. As financial co-operative organisations, credit unions are a force for good in many communities and workplaces. They exist to support their members, not to maximise profit. They encourage savings and provide financial education and affordable loans, all the while circulating the money within their membership communities, which are bound together through a common bond, often based on a workplace or location. More than ever, it is vital for that type of organisation to be available in communities that are currently struggling with the cost of living crisis and are vulnerable to predatory credit and debt organisations. It is the place of responsible Government to support these organisations and their efforts to promote financial inclusion, wellbeing and stability. As already mentioned, there is variety and diversity in credit unions. There are large credit unions, such as Scotwest credit union in my constituency, which is one of the largest in the UK. It has over 36,000 members and, as of September 2024, a loan book of £68.9 million. It describes its mission as being focused on broadening financial inclusion, supporting members’ financial wellbeing and security, and strengthening local communities, all while promoting environmental sustainability through responsible lending and consumption. There are also local, community-based credit unions, such as Ruchill credit union, which was set up in my constituency, and workplace and employment-based credit unions, such as the Transport credit union in my constituency. The diverse range of credit unions offers responsible lending while promoting co-operative values. That is why, as my hon. Friend the Member for Cumbernauld and Kirkintilloch mentioned, it is concerning to hear reports that the Financial Ombudsman Service, which is responsible for resolving disputes between financial institutions and their consumers, is using commercial lending rules to make legally binding judgments on credit unions. The sector has raised concerns that credit unions are now being held to the Financial Conduct Authority’s consumer credit sourcebook rules, even though they do not legally apply to credit unions. As our credit unions are already under pressure and often based in low-income communities, that weakens the legal certainty and operational viability of the sector at a time when it is more necessary than ever.