Lloyd Hatton MP: speeches 2026

Speeches

• 20 Apr 2026 · Sports Facilities: Secondary Schools · Hansard source

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  6. What steps her Department is taking to fund sports facilities in secondary schools in South Dorset constituency.

• 20 Apr 2026 · Sports Facilities: Secondary Schools · Hansard source

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  Budmouth academy has received a record multimillion-pound investment from this Labour Government to rebuild many of the school’s buildings. However, its crumbling outdoor courts—which are home to the South and West Dorset netball league—are currently not included in the rebuild. More than 300 women and girls are part of that league, and of course the courts are also used by students all year round. We desperately want to rebuild the courts, so can the Minister work with us to explore how those courts can be included in the scope of the rebuild?

• 16 Apr 2026 · Tourism Sector · Hansard source

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  In the heart of Weymouth, the Rectory is an iconic building, but it has stood empty for over a decade. We want to transform the Rectory building into a cultural and visitor centre, hosting art, boosting the local tourism economy and welcoming visitors to Weymouth all year round. With that in mind, will the Secretary of State meet me and all the key stakeholders so that we can finally crack on and deliver the exciting Rectory proposals?

• 16 Apr 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Eighth sitting) · Hansard source

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  The hon. Member is articulating very real concerns about cryptocurrency and the way it can manipulate our democratic processes. Will he join me in welcoming the fact that, when the Rycroft review was published before the Easter recess, the Government responded pretty swiftly on this, and particularly on a moratorium on political donations made through cryptocurrency. Does she welcome the Government’s urgent response in the Chamber? It was clear from Ministers that they intend to get this right. The immediate response to the Rycroft review was about making sure that we get something in place straight away. From listening to Ministers inside and outside the Chamber, I know there is an enthusiasm to make sure this is done right. Does the hon. Member welcome that initial response and, like me, does she look to see how we can tighten up our defences against cryptocurrency in the longer term, however they may be used to try to infiltrate our democratic processes?

• 14 Apr 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Seventh sitting) · Hansard source

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  It has already been outlined by the hon. Member for North Herefordshire, but I am interested to know whether the official Opposition spokesperson agrees that the previous Government’s decision in the Elections Act 2022 to inexplicably increase the threshold for UAs was wrong, and that the intention of this Bill, which is to reduce it, is the right way forward?

• 14 Apr 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Seventh sitting) · Hansard source

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  I will keep my remarks brief in the interests of avoiding repetition. It is important to put on the record the changes in the Bill, which are hugely welcome. One of those is massively improving the information sharing and investigatory powers of the Electoral Commission to ensure closer working with regulators and law enforcement. It should go without saying that the commission is the key watchdog in our democratic process and that it ensures that our elections and our political parties operate with integrity day to day. That is why it is particularly important that we look at some of the points being made as part of new clause 46. As has been said often today, that is touched on in some detail as part of Philip Rycroft’s review; the need to ensure that the information-sharing and investigatory powers of the Electoral Commission are as effective as they need to be, and that they work in a two-way direction to ensure that that work is undertaken. I note that the Minister already touched on this at the start of this grouping, and that her and her officials will be wanting to look at it in more detail. I look forward to that, because it is important that we get this right as we make these positive steps forward in this part of the Bill. We must ensure that the Electoral Commission, as our key national watchdog for elections and the democratic process, has the powers and information at its fingertips to operate as effectively as possible.

• 14 Apr 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Seventh sitting) · Hansard source

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  I will keep my remarks brief. As we start the afternoon sitting, it is worth putting on the record that clause 60 goes a significant distance towards finally tightening up the rules around corporate donations, which many campaigners, including in civil society, would argue have been left unaddressed for far too long. What clause 60 seeks to do is effective. That said, and I will not repeat in too much detail the points made by the hon. Member for North Herefordshire, it is worth reflecting on the recommendations in Philip Rycroft’s review around revenue versus profits, and how we can tighten things up. So I am keen to understand how, as the Bill progresses, we can potentially take his recommendations into account. It is worth remembering some of the big case studies that have been a cause for concern. We therefore know that, in some cases, corporate donations can carry a significant risk of nefarious interference in the democratic process. There was much media coverage and speculation about the idea that Elon Musk, the California-based billionaire, could legitimately make a donation to a UK political party via a UK subsidiary of Tesla. When we look at some of the research conducted by CenTax or Transparency International, we see that around £1 in every £10 that comes via a company as a donation could be because the individual in question could not donate directly themselves. According to that same research, around a quarter of money donated by companies is completely untraceable. So these measures are really welcome.

• 14 Apr 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Seventh sitting) · Hansard source

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  Does the hon. Member share my view that the old system that we inherited meant that foul play by a political party was essentially priced into the system, because the fine was so small? What the Government are doing, by increasing the fine to £500,000 for a single offence via secondary legislation, means that that type of culture, in any political party, will come to an end—no party can simply say that these fines are the cost of doing business.

• 14 Apr 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Seventh sitting) · Hansard source

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  I think there is a difference between corporate and non-corporate donations. However, what would be really interesting is to see how the Bill progresses in taking forward the Rycroft review. That is a really important point, but I will not go over it again, because it has already been well articulated by the hon. Member for North Herefordshire. To conclude, the Bill takes serious steps forward in addressing some of the foul play we have seen time and again with corporate donations in the past, and there is a huge body of evidence behind that. However, I would welcome any early advice or opinion the Minister can give us on how we can work on the recommendations set out by Philip Rycroft.

• 14 Apr 2026 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  Patients in Chickerell often struggle to access GP services in their area, and instead must travel long distances. Some years ago, it was confirmed that a new surgery should be built in Chickerell. However, significant delays mean that we are still waiting for that surgery. Will the Minister work with me and the NHS locally to finally deliver a new GP surgery in Chickerell?

• 14 Apr 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I will just make some very brief remarks on the record. I welcome this landmark Bill, which does a great deal to bring our democratic landscape into the 21st century, but I will briefly put on the record some thoughts about new clause 47. As we digest the Rycroft review, I think that the new clause is worth further consideration, particularly about how we can have meaningful deterrence for the most egregious flouting of political finance rules. If we want to be able to deal with that issue, we also need to have effective prosecutions for serious breaches. My concern at the moment is that there is something of an enforcement gap, and I know that that is a description that the Electoral Commission has outlined as well. I remain concerned that when it comes to the real risks posed by foreign interference, we are leaving that gap open, which would run contrary to the rightful and important aims of this Bill. The director general of the National Crime Agency highlighted here in Parliament in February that there is a “gap in law” and that “a foreign state or foreign individual—someone who is impermissible—can transfer money to someone who is in the UK, who is permissible, and that person can give money to a political party or a politician, and there is nothing to stop that. That is perfectly lawful.” There is an enforcement gap there that I know that the Minister, along with other Ministers and officials, will want to address. It is worth reflecting further on the aims of new clause 47 and how it tries to strengthen this Bill further beyond the work that it already does. As we look to digest the Rycroft review, and the Bill proceeds to further stages, it is important that we give the aims in the new clause rightful consideration, and think about some of those issues around the gap in enforcement when it comes to the most egregious breaches of political finance rules.

• 14 Apr 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Before I speak to clause 58, let me say in response to the hon. Members for Hamble Valley and for Hazel Grove that this game-changing legislation and the Rycroft review have both come in the first Session of a new Government. There is a clear understanding—the Minister has made it known here and in the Chamber—that the threats that we face, whether through foreign interference or foreign money trying to influence our democratic process, are severe, and we have made a robust response to them, through this legislation and by commissioning the Rycroft review last year. I want to make two points on clause 58. First, a key part of the changes introduced by the Bill is the “know your donor” principle, which will require political parties to take more responsibility for exactly who is funding them. Existing rules do not specifically require recipients to consider the risk that a donor is potentially facilitating an illegal donation. I welcome the fact that that will change as a result of this clause, which will bring about a complete overhaul of the system and I believe will improve the integrity of our democracy, help strengthen national security and help restore trust in political parties across the country.

• 14 Apr 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I do not believe that the Government are rejecting that carte blanche. As I was about to say—it is almost as if the hon. Gentleman has my notes before him—the Rycroft review commissioned by this Government notes that the “know your donor” provisions are similar to the anti-money laundering checks that are required by thousands of organisations, large and small, in the private sector, the third sector and elsewhere. Those are about ensuring that financial transactions, such as a donation, are indeed legitimate. As we digest the Rycroft review, I hope and expect that the Minister will give careful consideration to what it sets out and look at the idea that “know your donor” checks should more closely mirror the due diligence checks we see elsewhere, particularly in relation to anti-money laundering regulations. In making my second point, which I think is worthy of further consideration, I think it will be helpful to provide a case study. As Members on both sides of the Committee will recall, earlier this year the hon. Member for Great Yarmouth (Rupert Lowe), a former Reform UK MP—I notified him that I would be mentioning him—launched a new political party, Restore Britain. Before that, however, he set up a “political movement”, and he may or may not—we do not know—have received substantial contributions from impermissible sources before Restore Britain was registered officially as a political party. The fact is that we simply do not have a clear understanding, and the current legal landscape means that there are no checks on the funds that a party may hold prior to formal registration. I should make it very clear that the Bill goes far in strengthening controls on the sources of donations to political parties, and goes a great way to shoring up our democracy against foreign interference. However, I would really welcome the Minister’s thoughts and ideas on how we can ensure that a political party does not seek to sidestep controls on donations and loans by accepting substantial contributions from a potentially impermissible source simply because it has not yet set itself up officially as a political party. I know that this is something that Rycroft seeks to understand at a top level in his review, so I do not expect it to be dealt with in Committee—I think that would be wrong, because we had the review only just before the Easter recess—but I would welcome the Minister’s thoughts, as the Bill proceeds, on how we close down the potential problem whereby political movements, political projects or whatever we want to call them seek to gain donations outside the controls and checks that would apply if they were a registered political party.

• 13 Apr 2026 · Park Homes: Sales Commission Charges · Hansard source

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  I welcome the Government’s new call for evidence. Perhaps unsurprisingly, park home owners across South Dorset continue to be deeply frustrated with the unfair 10% sales commission slapped on all park homes. The current system feels unfair as it punishes one group disproportionately. With that in mind, will the Minister ensure that park home owners are not forgotten and finally end this unfair 10% sales commission charge, and ensure that these reforms sit alongside wider reforms to leasehold?

• 18 Mar 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q I have a very quick final question, taking a step back and responding to what you have just said. You feel that in the current landscape no single law enforcement body has overarching responsibility for enforcement, and particularly enforcement of electoral finance laws. It feels a bit patchwork at the moment: sometimes it is the police; sometimes it is the commission. Do you feel that is something that we need to look at overhauling so that we can have a much more comprehensive response that works more robustly, and hopefully more swiftly, in response to the issues that you just mentioned? Dr Susan Hawley: We really welcome the recommendation of the Joint Committee on the National Security Strategy—published today—that there should be a specific unit. I think that there is growing recognition within law enforcement bodies that that is required. Up to now, the problem has been that those law enforcement bodies will argue that they do not have the laws or the sentences that would empower them to use the serious investigative tools that they have at their disposal to get to the bottom of some of this behaviour. That is why the criminal offence in section 54 and section 54A really needs to be looked at. We welcome the amendment recently tabled by Matt Western to address the knowledge test so that it is not set too high. We also need to look at sentences because we hear again and again from law enforcement that if you do not have a serious crime-level sentence, you cannot use the skills that you can deploy for serious crime for this kind of offending. If we are talking about foreign interference, those are the tools that need to be deployed against impermissible donations.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q In the interests of full transparency, I have worked closely with Duncan and Susan and knew both of them prior to being elected to this place. I have a quick question that builds on some of the areas we have already talked about. Susan, on the point of how we put into practice checks that could look at people who may be connected to somebody who is politically exposed or to a high-risk jurisdiction, you said that the Bill has good “know your donor” checks but that they need to be strengthened further. How would those be delivered in practice? Dr Susan Hawley: The Electoral Commission needs to come up with robust guidance on that. It needs to look at industry standards from the regulated sector to tackle money laundering. I want to come back to the donor declaration, because that is also critical to this. We have heard from law enforcement that it is not clear to them that the proceeds of crime are not allowed as donations, for instance. If you have a situation where proceeds of crime can be donated, that is pretty extraordinary. We need a robust section 54A that puts some onus on the donor and makes a false declaration a criminal offence. I do not know whether that answers your question, Lloyd, or whether you wanted me to talk more about “know your donor”, but I think they complement each other. You have “know your donor”, which is about what parties do, but also the donor declaration, so that you are putting some onus on the donor to actually be honest about where that money comes from.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q To build on some of the lines of questioning that have been put forward, I am keen to get your perspective on what the best approach is to make sure we look at the next big challenge that could be posed by crypto donations, particularly if those come indirectly. How do you see us being able to challenge that problem and take it seriously if we find that crypto donations are reaching political parties in this country via an indirect route, particularly via companies or a third party, for example? Alexander Browder: There need to be stricter “know your donor” requirements. Not only that, but the enforcement on parties should be greater. If they do not respect the political process, there should be higher fines and stricter policies. On your last point, through my investigations I have found that Companies House has been abused by cryptocurrency exchanges. In one particularly egregious case, two IRGC-linked companies managed to register here in the UK under false names. They were operating for four years, while registered here in the UK, processing billions for the IRGC. That raises the question whether some foreign actor or criminal could set up a UK-registered company and donate through that? That definitely has to be looked at.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Shifting attention slightly towards enforcement, we know that, when trying to tackle foreign interference in the democratic process or dodgy donations, enforcement is essential to creating a better, fairer and more transparent landscape. The intention is to increase the Electoral Commission’s fining capabilities to £500,000 per offence, up from the current £20,000, via secondary legislation. Do you think that that shift upwards is sufficient as a strong, robust deterrence against breaking the rules in this country? Dr Susan Hawley: It is very much an improvement on what we have at the moment; I think everyone would agree that, if you have a multimillion-pound campaign budget, a £20,000 fine is frankly laughable. We would, however, like to see it strengthened in two ways. First, we would like this to be on the face of the Bill. We have a report coming out next week in which we compare the Electoral Commission’s powers to the Information Commissioner’s Office and Ofcom. Those bodies have this in the legislation, and they also have not just a maximum fine level but a percentage; the Committee on Standards in Public Life recommended that it should be £500,000 or 4%, whichever is higher. Again, you could argue that, if you have a multimillion-pound campaign budget, £500 k could become a potential cost of doing business, so we need that percentage option to give the Electoral Commission the flexibility to impose penalties in egregious cases. Secondly, the Electoral Commission has a very high threshold, compared with other regulators, for when it can actually impose penalties. Ideally, we would like to see that looked at again, because no other regulator is hampered by that high threshold. Duncan Hames: If I may, the problem with enforcement is that it takes a long time, and we are talking about democratic events here; by the time enforcement takes place, the consequences have already happened. People saw Elon Musk giving out cheques to make millionaires of people taking part in an election campaign in the States; they all thought that the rules were being broken and that something should be done about it, but nothing was, and he was at the right hand of the President within weeks of that moment. We ought to be looking at measures that we can take that prevent problems from happening, rather than just chasing things after the event. Nathan Gill is serving a 10-year prison sentence for bribery offences, which he admitted to in court, that happened nearly 10 years before he was convicted. There is a long lag if you rely on that kind of enforcement to address offending, and the problem that you are trying to stop.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Thank you; that is helpful. Another key point that we have discussed in detail is about recent investigations finding that around £6 million in donations through UK-registered companies have ultimately turned out to have been owned by individuals who are not eligible to vote here in the UK, and therefore not permissible donors. Do you feel that the proposed safeguards governing corporate political donations are sufficient, and do you think that this Bill goes far enough to up the ante against that kind of foul play? Dr Susan Hawley: No. I think it has done a valiant job in introducing the beneficial owner test and a UK connection test, but we know that the Electoral Commission has flagged the revenue test for corporations as a real risk for foreign interference. The way that is laid out in the Bill also does not provide a cap at all; it allows money to be donated to a host of different people. The revenue test really needs to be looked at again, because we have the Electoral Commission saying very clearly, “There is an increased risk of foreign interference if you keep the revenue test.” You also have tax experts saying that it is actually fairly easy to generate significant UK turnover while having no genuine UK operations. This is the moment to look at that again. It is also not quite clear why a company that owes a lot of tax, or that is making a loss, should feel it needs—or should be able—to donate.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  Finally, very quickly—

• 18 Mar 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Good morning. The Bill rightly tries to tighten up our defences against the impact of overseas interference in our democratic process. That includes the measure in the Bill to limit company donations based on the company’s annual revenue. I have a slight concern that that might leave the door ajar to the likes of Elon Musk making a donation to a British political party legitimately via a UK subsidiary company, for example. In the light of that, the Committee on Standards in Public Life suggested that the limit on donations from companies should be tied to their profit rather than their revenue. Which of the two would be a more effective way to stop the international financing of our political parties and democratic process? Vijay Rangarajan: As I said, I think that profit drawn from the last couple of years of public accounts would be a better metric. It would very much help, because it would show that the company had generated enough taxable profit in the UK to be able to make a political donation. It would also give parties themselves more certainty that the money they are accepting is clearly permissible and above board. Again, it is quite easy to explain to people why that is the case. As I said, some of the administration of this will need significant time to train party treasurers and all the associations in how to implement it, but we think that using profit as a metric would help.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Representation of the People Bill (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Quickly, what is your analysis of the current landscape when it comes to the perhaps undue impact of corporate political donations, and how do you think this Bill will seek to change the landscape, ideally for the better? Dr Garland: That is quite a big question to squeeze into our remaining time. I go back to my point about there being no ceiling on donations from any entity, which is a major risk with corporation and individual donations. The size of donations is growing exponentially, and that has a damaging impact on voter confidence and trust.

• 17 Mar 2026 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  Unlike in category A prisons, prison officers at HMP The Verne and HMP Portland are not routinely issued with protective body armour—namely, stab vests. Protecting our prison officers from harm is essential in all prisons, as has been made abundantly clear to me by local branches of the Prison Officers’ Association. With that in mind, will the Minister work constructively with me and Lord Timpson to introduce appropriate body armour for all prison officers, regardless of the category of prison in which they serve?

• 12 Mar 2026 · Job Creation · Hansard source

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  11. What steps he is taking to support the creation of well-paid jobs.

• 12 Mar 2026 · Job Creation · Hansard source

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  It is no secret that clean energy is creating the next generation of well-paid jobs, and it is essential that South Dorset gets its fair share of them. The development of offshore wind at Portland, including the exciting Morwind and PortWind projects, would certainly help to create much-needed maritime, engineering and construction jobs for local people. With that in mind, will the Minister work with me, the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero, and the Crown Estate to support the development of offshore wind off the coast of Portland?