Kirith Entwistle MP: speeches

Speeches

• 10 Jun 2025 · Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories · Hansard source

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  Every day I wake to news of further atrocities in Gaza, and every week constituents come to ask me to put more pressure on our Government to go further and faster. While I welcome the news of sanctions and I commend the Minister for his hard work, surely this is just the beginning; as he said, the gravity of the situation demands further action. We must ensure accountability for all breaches of international humanitarian law. When will we recognise the state of Palestine? How will we ensure that vital aid reaches people in Gaza, who are beyond desperate?

• 20 May 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source

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  I declare an interest, as a member of the Women and Equalities Committee. Today marks a defining moment—a moment when we finally put victims at the heart of our justice system. For countless people in Bolton, that moment is long overdue. I am proud to support the Bill: proud because it empowers judges to compel offenders to attend their sentencing so that no victim is left speaking into a void; proud because it finally—finally!—removes parental rights from child sex offenders, something that I can hardly believe we are doing only now, in 2025; proud because it gives real power to the Victims’ Commissioner to demand answers, scrutinise the system and drive change; and proud because it will speed up justice and tear down needless barriers. Survivors deserve a system that works for them, not against them. From conversations on doorsteps and from constituency surgeries, I know that far too many of my constituents have experienced domestic abuse and coercive control. That is why I have been working with those at Bolton’s frontline organisations, including Fortalice and Endeavour, who understand what is at stake and the difference that the Bill will make. Fortalice provides refuge and support for domestic abuse survivors. Its chief executive, Gill Smallwood, told me that it had received more than 400 referrals since January alone, and that the Bill would finally deliver the change that victims need. Gill told me that, right now, victims are left in the dark about bail conditions or release dates. The Bill will change that: it will allow victims, finally, to be kept informed by enabling them to nominate a trusted professional to receive updates, and to access information through a dedicated helpline. Endeavour, another local charity, supports high-risk young people, black and minoritised survivors, and older victims. Its chief executive, Jill Caldwell, told me of a woman who had had to flee her home, job and support network, simply because she had not been told that her abuser had been released. The Bill would have prevented that. By guaranteeing victims the right to up-to-date information, we are ending uncertainty and removing the burden on victims to constantly chase, ask, call and email for updates. We are saying, “You deserve to know; you deserve to be safe; you deserve to be heard and to be reassured at a time of complete uncertainty, when you have already endured so much.” The Bill is ambitious, but my constituents in Bolton need it to go further. Right now, 82% of domestic abuse victims never report the abuse, not because nothing happened but because they fear they will not be believed, and for those who do, the courtroom can become a second site of trauma. Time and again, constituents have told me about the misuse of “bad character” evidence, when a survivor’s past is wilfully distorted to discredit that person. That is not justice; it is re-victimisation. The Bill must change evidence standards so that no survivor’s trauma is ever twisted into testimony against them. The Bill also gives us a long overdue chance to fix the way in which domestic abuse is handled in the family court system. I urge the ministerial team to go further, and to strengthen protections for the children of abusers. Survivors in my constituency are still forced into contact with abusers who intentionally exploit the legal process to maintain control. We know that the family court system was not built to withstand this kind of manipulation, and that abusers have learnt exactly how to weaponise that—and win. The Children and Family Court Advisory and Support Service—CAFCASS—relies on outdated, prejudiced views of what a family should look like, prioritising contact with both parents even when one has a proven history of domestic abuse. This antiquated policy prioritises the family unit over the child’s best interests, even when the cost is the child’s trust, stability and wellbeing, so the Bill must go further. Finally, the Bill can end a quiet injustice: the punishing of women simply for surviving abuse. I am proud that this Labour Government are putting power back into the hands of victims, and I fully support the Bill.

• 13 May 2025 · Humanitarian Aid: Educational Programmes · Hansard source

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  5. If he will make an assessment of the potential merits of allocating 10% of humanitarian aid to educational programmes.

• 13 May 2025 · Humanitarian Aid: Educational Programmes · Hansard source

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  According to the Education and Development Forum, planned cuts to the official development assistance budget could slash UK aid for education by more than 70% by 2027 compared with 2019 levels. In Gaza, where 95% of schools are damaged and 650,000 children go without formal education, UK-backed programmes will be vital in restoring hope, providing stability and equipping children with the skills to rebuild. Does the Minister agree that education aid must be protected, particularly in crisis responses such as in Gaza?

• 8 May 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  Women’s Aid reports that 82% of domestic abuse cases go unreported. Reporting and prosecution rates are disproportionately lower for black and minoritised survivors. Does the Leader of the House agree that consistent collection and publication of disaggregated data is key to assessing whether Government actions are working for all women?

• 24 Apr 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  Too many of my constituents in Bolton are trapped in overcrowded homes. As a result, too many parents are left with no option but to share rooms with their adolescent children. Outdated overcrowding rules and a shortage of housing mean that pleas for help are routinely dismissed. Does my right hon. Friend agree that families deserve better and that everyone deserves a decent home that is fit for purpose?

• 2 Apr 2025 · Green Book Review · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Pritchard. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Congleton (Mrs Russell) for bringing this crucial debate back to Westminster Hall and it is great to be here with north-west colleagues again. Reforming the Green Book—the Government’s rule book for assessing public investment—might sound technical or dry, but for the people I represent in Bolton North East, it is profoundly consequential. The Green Book is not just a document; it is a tool that shapes where investment goes, what gets prioritised and who gets left behind. Unless we change how those decisions are made, towns such as mine in Bolton will continue to be overlooked. Many hon. Members have spoken powerfully about how the Green Book favours London and the south-east, and they are right. At the heart of the problem are its outdated rules, which prioritise short-term, easily predicted returns. The rules do not ask about need or potential. They ask where we will see the biggest, fastest payback and, almost every time, the answer is the places that are already thriving—places with high wages, strong growth and well-connected transport. The result is a baked-in bias that overlooks the untapped potential of towns such as Bolton and says that our time, our housing, and our transport matter less, just because our postcode starts with a “BL” rather than a “W”. Bolton does not just need fair treatment from London, it needs it from Greater Manchester, too. Even when public investment comes to Greater Manchester, the same pattern repeats. Time and again the Green Book prioritises funding into Manchester, where the numbers look better, and leaves Bolton behind. On the ground, the consequences are obvious: fewer jobs, slower trains and many more missed opportunities. Look at the business case to extend the Metrolink to Bolton. It has strong local support, clear economic value and huge potential to drive business growth, unlock investment and boost productivity. However, under the Green Book, the business case falls short because it does not account for induced demand. Infrastructure does not just respond to growth; it creates it. The Green Book neglects the homes that would be built, the businesses that would invest, and the people who would finally be connected to opportunity. That holds Bolton back, both in ambition and in growth. Between 2007 and 2022, Manchester’s economy more than doubled, while Bolton’s grew 40% less. In the last five years alone, Manchester’s economy grew by a third, but Bolton’s by just 12%. That is not because we lack talent or ideas, but because the Green Book rewards places that are already well-resourced and overlooks Bolton’s potential. Here is where the frustration sets in. We are told that the numbers do not add up, but I say that the system does not add up. We are being asked to play a game that we were never meant to win, judged by rules that we did not write. I look forward to hearing from the Minister about how the Green Book can be reviewed so that towns such as mine feel the difference, and no longer feel left behind or overlooked. First, I hope that we can adjust the appraisal formula, so that £1 of benefit in Bolton is not judged to be worth less than £1 in London or Manchester. Secondly, I hope we ensure that business cases reflect long-term impact—not just what can be delivered in year one, but what can be delivered over five, 10 or 20 years. Finally, I hope we can ensure that public investment allocated to Greater Manchester reaches towns such as Bolton. Bolton does not lack ambition; it lacks backing. It does not lack ideas; it lacks investment. Public investment should open doors, but the Green Book, as it stands, is locking towns such as mine out of the future. It is about time that that changed.

• 19 Mar 2025 · Transport Connectivity: North-west England · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Dr Murrison. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Leigh and Atherton (Jo Platt) for securing this crucial and popular debate. Improving transport connectivity in Bolton is a priority that matters deeply to me, and I am proud to join fellow north-west MPs in fighting for a better, fairer transport system for my constituents. A good transport network does more than move people; it moves society forward. It connects us to education, jobs and businesses that drive our economy and to the family, friends and communities that shape us. It is the foundation stone of a thriving society, because if we get our transport infrastructure right, everything else follows. For too many people in Bolton, however, transport is not a bridge to opportunity, but a barrier with real consequences. No child in Breightmet should have to miss an after-school club because they cannot find a bus. No college student in Little Lever should have to turn down an apprenticeship because fares are too high. No adult in Bromley Cross should have to miss a job interview because their trains are cancelled again. For too long, under-investment in transport has held back Bolton’s communities. Loneliness and isolation among young and elderly people are at an all-time high, and we know that good transport can mean the difference between precious time spent with loved ones or another day spent alone. Complicated routes and unreliable services are leaving pensioners and teenagers stranded—isolating not just individuals, but entire communities. When transport in Bolton fails, everything else suffers. That is why, since my first speech in Parliament, I have called for Metrolink to be extended to Bolton and that call remains urgent. Metrolink is expanding, yet Bolton—one of Greater Manchester’s largest towns—remains forgotten. For those who say that our rail services are already good enough, I invite them to catch a train from Bolton late at night or at the weekend, or indeed on their first day of work and be met with a cancelled train, as I experienced on my first day travelling down to this place. One third of all trains into Bolton arrive late, and almost half of TransPennine Express trains. Bolton residents deserve better, and I look forward to working alongside Mayor Andy Burnham and the Greater Manchester combined authority as we build the business case for a long overdue extension. My hon. Friends the Members for Morecambe and Lunesdale (Lizzi Collinge) and for St Helens North (David Baines) mentioned accessibility. We also desperately need to think about parents with prams who get left out. When we fix the rail system, we empower towns such as Bolton to thrive. Of course, it is not only about rail: in just 18 months, the Bee network has been a huge step forward for Bolton, proving what is possible when people, not profit, come first. Finally, we must fight for regional fairness. In London, over-60s travel for free. In Greater Manchester, they do not. Why should older people in the north-west settle for less? I will push to introduce free travel for over-60s in Greater Manchester, because affordable transport helps older people to stay active, connected and independent. As north-west MPs, we are united in our fight for a better, fairer transport system. Better transport means stronger businesses, connected communities and a fairer, thriving north-west region. When transport works, everything else follows. I sincerely hope that the Minister agrees and that he will commit to making collaboration on improving Bolton and north-west transport a priority.

• 6 Mar 2025 · International Women’s Day · Hansard source

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  I add my thanks to my hon. Friend the Member for Brent East (Dawn Butler) for bringing this debate to the House. I am especially proud to speak in this debate as a member of the Women and Equalities Committee. I am also the first woman to represent my constituency—frankly, far too many of us are. I hope that changes. On Monday, I was proud to host a coffee morning in aid of Fortalice, which provides refuge accommodation, wraparound support and one-to-one sessions for women and children to work through their trauma. It also has an outstanding nursery on site to help kids smile, and it provides a lifeline for victims and survivors of domestic abuse. I also hosted two events on Tuesday, and spoke proudly about Endeavour, which is the UK’s first domestic abuse service to provide pet fostering. It recognises that women facing domestic abuse may also feel trapped because they do not want to leave a pet behind, and it removes a huge barrier to finding help. Today is a day for honesty, and as we have heard in so many wonderful contributions to this debate so far, it is a dangerous time. We are seeing women’s rights being rolled back across the globe. We face the stark reality that, while amazing work is being done by so many women—and having followed her career so closely, I am honoured be in this place with the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham Yardley (Jess Phillips), and reassured that she is on our Front Bench—we have a long way to go in this country. Women must fight for everything in society, and we have to keep working together to fight for and protect women and girls. We are still fighting for equal pay. We are still fighting for safety on our streets and in our homes, and now in the digital world we are seeing abuse of and violence against women and girls taking on new forms as technology evolves. We have seen the creation of deepfakes, non-consensual image-based abuse and online harassment. Let us not forget that social media platforms—those that shape our conversations, our culture and sometimes even our self-worth—are owned and controlled by men. Yes it is true that women have more opportunities—we are able to work, to go out and earn our own wage and to have our independence—but the expectations placed on us remain. We still carry the mental load, we are still the primary caregivers and we are still in charge of household chores and of managing childcare, so we have to keep fighting for, working for and demanding better. We tell young girls that they can be anything and that they can have it all, but we do not tell young boys about making sure they take on their share of the housework, manage the household and become a good parent. This must change: we cannot create a safer and fairer world for women and girls without working with men and boys.

• 25 Feb 2025 · Institute for Apprenticeships and Technical Education (Transfer of Functions etc) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  Too many young people are being let down by a skills and training system that does not work for them. For too long, Britain has been a country where technical education has been treated as second class, skills shortages stifled success and talent went untapped. Let us be clear: the Conservatives’ legacy has failed our young people and they cannot keep using the pandemic as an excuse. Between October 2023 and September 2024, 41% of people aged 16 to 24 were economically inactive in the north-west; nationally, that number was 11.4%. I would be really interested to hear what Conservative Members have to say to young people in the north-west. In the last two years, skills shortages have left more than a third of UK vacancies unfilled while the number of 16 to 24-year-olds looking for work has doubled. That is over 420,000 young people wanting to work and to contribute to our economy, but, without the right training, they cannot get those jobs that need filling—jobs that they could thrive in if we had the right skills system. Our young people are not lazy. Rather, it is the system the Conservatives left behind that has failed them. Visiting businesses in Bolton, I know that employers are desperate for skilled workers and that they recognise skills training and apprenticeships as a way forward. The young apprentices I have met in Bolton are thriving. They have security, skills and a clear path ahead, and that confidence is transforming lives and livelihoods. That is why am proud that, through this Bill, this Labour Government are establishing Skills England. Skills are not second class; they are the backbone of Britain. Skills England will break barriers that have left entire regions such as mine behind. In Bolton, have already seen what works. Bolton Lads and Girls Club, part of the outstanding youth charity OnSide, has achieved remarkable success with its On Track initiative. This programme provides one-to-one support for young people who are not in education, employment or training, offering practical help with CV building, interview preparation and visits to businesses. But more than that, it broadens their horizons, showing them the many promising alternatives to the traditional university route and pathways that may better suit their skills and ambitions. I recently visited Bolton college during National Apprenticeship Week. Its apprenticeship programme is another shining example of how investment in skills transforms lives. From health and early years education to engineering, digital skills and low-carbon construction, Bolton college is equipping young people with the expertise that businesses urgently need. During my visit, it was clear that the apprenticeship levy’s rigid restrictions —allowing funds to cover training but not wages—were directly preventing businesses from hiring more apprentices, so I sincerely hope that Skills England will review the levy so that more young people can earn while they learn and employers can fill those critical skills gaps. The successes of OnSide and Bolton college provide proof of what happens when we invest in skills and opportunities. Now we must take those lessons and scale them up nationally. This Bill and Skills England are not just about educational reform; they are an economic necessity and critical for growth, because Britain cannot build, grow or lead without a workforce that is skilled for the future. But let us also be clear about what Skills England is not. It is not another quango, it is not more red tape, and it is not just another Government agency. Skills England is a promise to young people that their future does not have to follow a single path, a promise to businesses that they will have the workforce that they need to thrive, and a promise to this country that Britain’s best days are ahead, not behind us. We need more builders, engineers, coders, carers and welders—the people who power this country—and I am proud that this Labour Government are ending the snobbery around skills and finally putting apprenticeships on an equal footing with academia. I wholeheartedly support this Bill and the opportunities that Skills England will create for my constituents, not least young people.

• 5 Feb 2025 · Maternal Mental Health · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Furniss. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Aylesbury (Laura Kyrke-Smith) for securing this crucial debate, and I am truly sorry to hear of her loss. For too long, mothers’ mental health has been dismissed. Women raising concerns are belittled and told they have “baby blues” when they are battling post-natal depression or even PTSD. This is personal for me. After my son’s birth I requested a debrief—a simple conversation to process my own experience. My son turns three this year and I am still waiting. For doctors and midwives, it might be their thousandth birth, but for the mother it can be traumatic, particularly if it is her first. Reports by the Care Quality Commission show that one in three mothers are denied pain relief, with some told to “suck it up” when they ask for help. That is misogyny, not medicine. As a member of the Women and Equalities Committee I am proud to have played a part in highlighting some of the medical misogyny that women experience with the publication of our most recent report. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Aylesbury for referring to post-partum psychosis, a severe but treatable illness that affects over 1,200 mothers a year. I am also proud that Amy Rothwell of Bolton Maternity Voices Partnership is working with Royal Bolton hospital to ensure that patient feedback drives real improvements. I urge the Minister to make maternal mental health in Bolton and around the country a priority. No mother should feel ignored or alone, and we really need urgent change.

• 21 Jan 2025 · Auditory Verbal Therapy · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Western. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Washington and Gateshead South (Mrs Hodgson) on securing this important debate. We come together today with a shared purpose to champion equity, opportunity and the unshakeable belief that every child deserves the best possible start in life. This debate is about more than a single policy; it is about ensuring that no family feels left behind when it comes to their deaf children’s future. Some 65% of deaf children complete their first year of school without achieving a good level of development. That is not just a statistic: it is a rallying cry that demands urgent action. Why is this happening? The National Deaf Children’s Society offers a stark insight: we are failing to assess and invest in the right primary support mechanisms for each deaf child. That failure is a systemic one and strikes at the most crucial time, the early years, when the foundations of language and communication are laid. The Deafness Resource Centre is clear that early childhood development is deeply social and emotional, thriving on successful interactions with caregivers. By failing to provide tailored support to deaf children, we risk leaving many feeling isolated, frustrated and deprived of the sense of belonging that every child deserves. I am deeply grateful that one such primary support mechanism, auditory verbal therapy, is being recognised here today. I am deeply grateful that one such primary support mechanism, auditory verbal therapy, is being recognised here today. For so many families it is truly transformative—the proof is here in this room—and I commend my hon. Friend for her unwavering commitment to improving its provision. Let us be clear, auditory verbal therapy is not a silver bullet. There is no one-size-fits-all solution. Every deaf child is unique, and so are their needs. Auditory verbal therapy is incredibly important, but I want to take a moment to emphasise the importance of addressing each child’s needs, case by case. Picture this: a deaf child in a deaf family, thriving in a sign-first environment where British Sign Language nurtures heartfelt, seamless connections with their loved ones. Now imagine another child, their confidence flourishing through intensive auditory verbal therapy. Both scenarios are valid and beautiful. What truly matters is meeting the unique needs of each child, guided by expert assessment. Bolton Deaf Society, located in my constituency, is a charity I am deeply proud to represent and support in Parliament. Its work serves as a beacon of hope and heritage for deaf children and their families. It champions deaf culture, celebrates British Sign Language and recognises that oral communication is not, and should never need to be, for everyone. Although auditory verbal therapy can be life-changing, there are many in the deaf, deafened and hard-of-hearing community in Bolton who would not choose it, even if it were readily available. For some families auditory verbal therapy is tied to the medical model of disability, a framing that implies hearing loss as something to fix, potentially sidelining deaf culture, identity and pride. For other families, like many we have heard about today, that is not the case. For the families in Bolton who are seeking auditory verbal therapy for their child, I wholeheartedly agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Washington and Gateshead South that we must urgently train more specialist practitioners to extend access. In Bolton alone, there are more than 300 deaf children; across the north-west, that number rises to 6,000, yet there are just five certified auditory verbal therapists in our region. Right now, as my hon. Friend mentioned, a postcode lottery determines whether a family can access the support that their child needs. That is not equity or fairness; it is a failure that we must urgently address. Deaf children in Bolton deserve better. I strongly urge the Minister to expand access to AVT across the north-west. More than that, I urge him to expand access to primary support mechanisms across the board. Success lies in providing a well-funded, comprehensive, holistic system of support, ensuring that every child can thrive in a way that fits them best. I sincerely hope the Minister agrees.

• 16 Jan 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  I associate myself with the remarks of the Leader of the House about welcoming a long-overdue ceasefire. My constituent Dr Ryann Sowden has been working tirelessly to support survivors of that crisis. I commend the Bolton Council of Mosques for its unwavering advocacy of peace. The House should reflect that determination. Will the Leader of the House work with colleagues across Government to get vital aid into Gaza before more lives are tragically lost?

• 14 Jan 2025 · Parking: Town Centres · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Furniss. I thank my hon. Friend the hon. Member for Dudley (Sonia Kumar) for tabling such an important debate on a topic that affects us all in so many different ways in daily life. I declare an interest as a member of the Women and Equalities Committee and I want to touch on a slightly different aspect of this issue of accessibility and public spaces. As a long-time advocate for working families, this debate is personal for me. Across Britain—from Dudley and Sheffield to my own hometown of Bolton—we face a troubling problem. We are building more flats and homes, and encouraging people to move, without building the parking that is so needed alongside that. We are building family homes in town centres such as mine in Bolton, but we are failing to provide family friendly infrastructure that parents desperately need. Parking in town centres is a prime example. Shopping centres, workplaces, and even hospitals all fall short of providing sufficient parent and child parking spaces with wider bays and convenient short walks to entrances. The problem is threefold. Parent and child spaces are too few, enforcement is lax and unclear regulations harm those who need them most. At my local supermarket, the scene is all too familiar: the few parent and child spaces are taken by large vans or two-door convertibles, vehicles with no sign of families in tow. The result is parents like me facing an almost impossible task—trying to load a toddler into a car seat in a standard space without bumping the car next door. The solution is not complex. As my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley mentioned, we need to design town centres with “public” in mind. Starting with public parking, let us expand family friendly spaces and curb rule breaking by enforcing the strict regulations used to safeguard blue badge holders. Once public places set the standard, private car parks will follow. Even worse, town centre parking completely overlooks pregnant women. Imagine being eight or nine months pregnant—swollen feet, aching back, every step a marathon—yet being expected to walk in and queue at customer support to request case-by-case permission for parent and child parking at supermarkets. The irony is glaring. Spaces intended to make life easier are instead placing an even greater strain on pregnant women. So why is progress on family-friendly parking moving so slowly? Why are pregnant women still being overlooked? When former Facebook chief operating officer Sheryl Sandberg was working at Google and became pregnant, the company’s car park lacked any spaces for pregnant women. Drawing on her lived experience, she raised the issue with Google’s male co-founders, and the policy was changed soon after. The problem: Google’s male leadership had never even considered the needs of pregnant women in the first place. That happens all too often. Similarly, in Westminster, it is often left to women Members of Parliament to draw attention to the problems that cause daily frustrations to women. I am confident that the Minister agrees that we must move to prioritise town centre parking for families and pregnant women, and accessibility for all. Beyond that, I sincerely hope that the Minister agrees that we must also move towards a Parliament that proactively addresses these problems, rather than relying on us women to highlight them. Parking should be accessible to all—it provides a lifeline to our town centres, and I commend my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley again for bringing this issue to the House.

• 18 Dec 2024 · Engagements · Hansard source

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  Q5. I associate myself with the Prime Minister’s remarks and wish everyone a very happy Christmas, but for many of those in temporary accommodation in my constituency and across the country it will not be a happy Christmas. On the Tories’ watch, temporary homelessness more than doubled, so what are the Government doing to support families and children living in temporary accommodation, particularly this season?

• 11 Dec 2024 · Engagements · Hansard source

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  Q13. For retail workers in Bolton North East, the busy Christmas season is overshadowed by shoplifting, which the Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers’ latest survey identifies as the leading trigger of abuse, threats and assaults. At a police drop-in in Bromley Cross, officers welcomed the Government’s commitment to clamping down on low-level shoplifting and prosecuting repeat offenders. What more can the Government do to tackle shoplifting and support retail workers and businesses during the critical holiday season?

• 26 Nov 2024 · Tobacco and Vapes Bill · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Member for his intervention and, yes, I share those concerns quite deeply. Bolton council has been doing excellent work to clamp down on illegal vapes. In September, 350 vapes were seized in raids across five locations in Bolton. Just this month, a shop received a closure order for selling illegal tobacco and vapes. I am pleased that this Bill responds to the needs of councils such as Bolton by introducing new powers for trading standards officers that will tackle the black market while protecting legitimate businesses. The Bill is a commitment to the health and wellbeing of our communities and our future generations. It takes into account the need for the safeguarding of our children. For the families who have lost loved ones to smoking-related illnesses, for the schools that have been overwhelmed by the vaping epidemic, and for the young people being targeted by unscrupulous marketing, this Bill is for them and I commend it to the House.

• 26 Nov 2024 · Tobacco and Vapes Bill · Hansard source

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  I declare that I am a member of the responsible vaping APPG. This is a long overdue and important piece of legislation, and I commend my hon. and right hon. Friends on the Front Bench for bringing it before the House. My home of Bolton is confronting a dual crisis: the devastating impact of smoking and the escalating problem of youth vaping. Smoking continues to ruin lives and places a heavy burden on our NHS, which many of my hon. Friends and hon. Members from across the House have also mentioned. In Bolton North East, the crisis is deeply personal. More than 14% of our population still smoke, which is well above the national average. Tragically, between 2017 and 2019, smoking claimed the lives of 1,147 people in our community, including beloved parents, siblings and friends, leaving behind grieving families and stolen futures. Beyond its devastating human toll, smoking imposes an immense economic burden on Bolton North East. Nearly £100 million is drained every year in lost productivity and increased demands on health and social care. We desperately need that money to rebuild services and support local families. I am proud that the Bill takes critical steps to address the harms of smoking and works towards creating the first smokefree generation. Yet while smoking is a crisis we know well, there is a new and growing threat: the epidemic of child vaping. In the latest Greater Manchester: Testing and Research on Emergent and New Drugs young person survey, 76% of respondents reported using a nicotine vape in the past year. Schoolchildren are now twice as likely to encounter nicotine through vaping as through cigarettes or tobacco. Flavours such as bubble gum and rainbow candy paired with colourful, cartoon-like packaging are blatantly targeting children. Flavourings play an undoubtedly important role in helping adults to quit smoking, but we must be honest about how too many vapes are being deliberately designed as a gateway to nicotine for children who have never smoked. I welcome the measures included in the Bill outlined by the Secretary of State earlier, and I am pleased to see our Government taking the issue seriously. As a mother, I look forward to further discussions on how we can protect our children while continuing to support adults who are using vaping as a tool to quit smoking. What concerns me most is how easily young people can obtain vapes, many of which are illegal and unregulated. In Bolton, we now have the second highest number of vape stores per capita in the country. That is more than twice the national average. Although most stores operate within the law, this widespread availability creates opportunities for illegal vapes to enter the market—vapes that violate safety standards, contain unsafe ingredients and pose serious health risks to our children.

• 21 Nov 2024 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  I rise to point out the recent changes to the proxy voting scheme. As a member of the Modernisation Committee, can I ask for a debate in Government time about further changes to the procedures and working practices of the House, so that we can create a more accessible and family-friendly culture?

• 12 Nov 2024 · Tackling Image-based Abuse · Hansard source

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  Yes, that is an important point. It goes to show the extent and the seriousness of the issue. Drawing on two powerful accounts that have profoundly shaped my own perspective, I will highlight the three glaring flaws that we must confront. The first is the failure to ensure the permanent removal of abusive content, which leaves survivors chained to their trauma. The second is the weak regulatory enforcement that allows platforms to shrug off their responsibilities. The third is the lack of civil remedies for survivors, a lifeline that we know to be critical to restoring dignity, control and hope. I will not have the space today to discuss how we can prevent online violence against women and girls by embedding it into the relationships, sex and health education curriculum, to which the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) alluded, or how proceeds from the digital services tax and Ofcom fines could sustainably fund lifesaving support services for victims. However, those issues loom large in the debate. I am grateful that the Minister for victims, my hon. Friend the Member for Pontypridd (Alex Davies-Jones), is present. I look forward to hearing how tackling image-based abuse aligns with this Government’s unprecedented commitment to halving violence against women and girls. I also hope to hear from the Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology on these issues. In the UK, we face an escalating crisis of image-based sexual abuse. Every week, new victims emerge and women and girls lose their right to control their most intimate images.

• 12 Nov 2024 · Tackling Image-based Abuse · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered the matter of tackling image-based abuse. It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Vickers. I declare an interest as a member of the Women and Equalities Committee. I am bringing this motion before the House to maintain the steady pressure from campaigners and parliamentarians on an issue that is both urgent and often neglected: image-based sexual abuse, which is a form of violence that overwhelmingly affects women and girls. Today, I aim to shed light on where our legislation on image-based sexual abuse is falling short and to propose three reforms that this Labour Government can deliver. This will build on the fine work conducted by Members across the House—including the Minister for safeguarding and violence against women and girls, my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham Yardley (Jess Phillips); Madam Deputy Speaker, the right hon. Member for Romsey and Southampton North (Caroline Nokes); the hon. Member for Gosport (Dame Caroline Dinenage) and current and previous members of the Women and Equalities Committee—as well as Members of the other place. Image-based sexual abuse encompasses a wide range of violations, from digitally altered images such as deepfakes to invasive acts such as upskirting, downblousing and so-called revenge porn. In an increasingly digital world, this abuse—this violence—is an escalating crisis.

• 12 Nov 2024 · Tackling Image-based Abuse · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend raises an important point. I will come on to that important Bill. I know that Baroness Owen has already done a great deal of work on the issue. In 2023 alone, the Revenge Porn Helpline reported nearly 19,000 cases of abuse, a staggering increase from just 1,600 cases in 2019. Deepfake-related abuse has surged by 400% since 2017, with over 99% of these vile creations targeting women and girls. The numbers are shocking, but they are more than statistics. Behind each one is a life and a human story—another innocent person whose confidence, relationships and sense of safety is shattered. Survivors often describe their experience as digital rape, a term that captures the intensely personal and profoundly scarring nature of this violation. Just two weeks ago, the escalating crisis hit home in my constituency of Bolton North East with the case of Hugh Nelson, who was sentenced at Bolton Crown court to 18 years in prison for creating and distributing depraved sexual images using artificial intelligence. Detective Chief Inspector Jen Tattersall of Greater Manchester police described Nelson as “an extremely dangerous man who thought he could get away with what he was doing by using modern technology.” Yet Nelson’s sentencing is something of an exception. Too many perpetrators remain beyond the reach of justice, shielded by gaps in our legal framework. This reality raises a question: has our response truly kept pace with the escalating scale of this crisis? Are we really doing all we can to support victims and survivors?

• 12 Nov 2024 · Tackling Image-based Abuse · Hansard source

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  Yes, training would be exceptionally valuable in combating the issue. I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say.

• 12 Nov 2024 · Tackling Image-based Abuse · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend raises an important point. We should absolutely be putting victims at the heart of any legislation on this topic. I do not believe that in their 14 years the previous Government did anywhere near enough to tackle the issue. I can already see the Labour Government taking decisive steps to change the answer to the question of whether we are doing enough. I welcome the Government’s manifesto commitment to ban the creation of sexually explicit deepfakes, an essential step in safeguarding women and girls from malicious technology. I am encouraged by the collaborative work under way among the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology, the Home Office and the Ministry of Justice to identify a legislative vehicle to ensure that those who create these images without consent are held accountable. I am also pleased that new changes to the Online Safety Act will make image-based abuse a priority offence. Although those are positive steps, they represent only modest progress. As experts such as End Violence Against Women and the #NotYourPorn campaign have pointed out, sharing intimate images without consent was already prioritised under the Online Safety Act. So far, the changes under this Government have been merely administrative and merely incremental. Having listened to survivors of image-based abuse, I urge the Minister to agree that this is no time for incremental change. Georgia Harrison is a courageous campaigner who shared her story with the Women and Equalities Committee. Georgia’s images were distributed without her consent, leading to years of harassment, scrutiny and anguish. Even after her abuser was convicted, Georgia continued to see her images circulate online—a haunting reminder that, as she has stated, her life will never be the same again. Another survivor is “Jodie”, who bravely spoke to the BBC about the trauma of being deepfaked by someone she once considered her best friend. Jodie discovered that images from her private Instagram account had been overlaid on pornographic material and posted across Reddit and other forums, with users invited to rate her body. Jodie endured this abuse for five years. She recalls: “I felt alone. The emotional toll was enormous. There were points I was crying so much I burst the blood vessels in my eyes. I couldn’t sleep and when I did, I had nightmares.” In Jodie’s case, the perpetrator was asking others to create explicit images of her, revealing a shameful grey area in our current legislation. That is why Jodie, along with campaign partners the End Violence Against Women coalition, G lamour and #NotYourPorn, is calling for an image-based abuse law. Speaking as a mother, I cannot imagine having my child endure such horror. I am grateful that Baroness Owen of Alderley Edge has introduced a private Member’s Bill in the other place to address this gap. She has done a great deal of work on the issue, keeping victims like Georgia and Jodie at the heart of her Bill. Georgia and Jodie’s experiences underscore three critical flaws in the Online Safety Act. The first is the glaring failure to criminalise abusive images themselves. Georgia’s story illustrates this brutal oversight: despite her abuser’s conviction, the absence of a stay-down provision allows her images still to circulate online, forcing her to relive the trauma with each resurfacing. To quote Professor Clare McGlynn, “every day these images remain online is another day of extreme suffering for victims.” Survivors deserve certainty that once their abuse is addressed, it is addressed permanently. A second flaw in the Act is its reliance on Ofcom, whose current enforcement powers lack the agility and speed needed for an online world in which, if one website is blocked, another can appear instantly. Initiatives such as the StopNCII.org campaign have revealed how social media platforms consistently outmanoeuvre Ofcom. This is effectively leaving tech giants to determine whether supporting survivors like Georgia serves their profit-driven interests. To close the enforcement gaps, I stand with the End Violence Against Women coalition, Glitch and others in calling for a national online abuse commission —a dedicated body to champion the rights of victims and survivors of online abuse. Finally, our legislation fails survivors by denying them accessible civil remedies—such as immediate take-downs and compensation for emotional harm—outside the criminal process. For survivors such as Jodie who have endured years of abuse, the inability to seek swift relief without a lengthy, retraumatising trial is a devastating gap. Creating a statutory civil offence for image-based abuse would not only empower survivors to seek redress directly against perpetrators and platforms, but give them that all-important second chance. The Minister will know that organisations such as South West Grid for Learning and the UK Safer Internet Centre consider civil remedies as much-needed lifelines for survivors. I wholeheartedly agree. Today, through Georgia and Jodie’s stories, we have seen the devastating cost of our inaction on the escalating, ever-evolving crisis of image-based abuse. For too long, our legislation has had three glaring deficiencies: the absence of a stay-down provision, the lack of an online abuse commission and the unavailability of civil remedies. Returning to my earlier questions, I want to be able to tell survivors that this Government are doing everything possible to support them. I want to reassure them that our Ministers are responding in real time to the scale and urgency of the crisis. With every day we delay, more women and girls are thrust into cycles of harm without the protections that they urgently need and deserve. I look forward to hearing from the Minister exactly how we will deliver this assurance. I would also be grateful if I could discuss the matter further with the Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology at the earliest opportunity. Let us not wait another day to act. Survivors need real action, not just incremental change. We owe it to Georgia, Jodie and all those who have suffered.

• 4 Nov 2024 · Childcare Availability · Hansard source

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  As a mother in the north-west, I thank the Secretary of State and welcome the Government’s £1.8 billion commitment to expanding publicly funded childcare. As we transition towards more publicly funded childcare, can she share any plans for interim support to keep childcare affordable for working families relying on private providers?