Jim Shannon MP: speeches

Speeches

• 15 Jun 2026 · Leasehold Reform · Hansard source

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  I welcome the measures introduced in England and Wales through the 2024 Act to improve the transparency of service charges. Unfortunately, however, in Northern Ireland leaseholders have limited control over service charges imposed on them, and under the current legislation they have limited means of challenging the underlying justification for those charges. The Minister is always a very good Minister who always gives me a very good response, so I am looking for one today. Will he liaise with his colleagues in Northern Ireland to support the introduction of similar protections in Northern Ireland to ensure that leaseholders there are not left exposed to unjustified charges?

• 15 Jun 2026 · NHS Dentistry · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Gentleman for bringing forward this debate, in which all of us across the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland have an interest. The Government committed themselves to increasing dental training places by 40%, but the fact is that after three years of training, those who have trained seem to go elsewhere for better money. Does he agree that training more dentists without addressing the reasons why dentists are leaving the NHS is like trying to fix a leaky bucket? It is time for the Government and the Minister to take on and sort out this issue.

• 11 Jun 2026 · Secondary Breast Cancer · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Betts. I thank the hon. Members for Wokingham (Clive Jones) and for City of Durham (Mary Kelly Foy) for calling attention to this disease, and I thank the hon. Member for West Lancashire (Ashley Dalton) for her spirit and courage; it always touches me and makes me quite proud of her. I wanted to put that on the record. The hon. Member for Fermanagh and South Tyrone (Pat Cullen), some local ladies, Tristan Loraine and I had a meeting with Health Minister Mike Nesbitt in Northern Ireland some four or five weeks ago to discuss the issue of lobular cancer. It was an important meeting because those ladies around the table were ladies like the hon. Lady for West Lancashire; they were ladies who had cancer, were living with it and were trying to deal with it. Their personal stories really touched me because almost every one of those ladies had children. One lady had four young children, and I was moved by her contribution and very touched by the life that she was leading with four young children. Each month in the UK, around 1,000 people die from secondary breast cancer, which equates to one life every 45 minutes. That stat paints a harrowing picture of the devastating impact that secondary breast cancer has on many individuals and their families. Although the cancer is not curable, as it has metastasised, it is treatable and can often be managed. On average, patients can survive two or three years or more after diagnosis. Symptoms can be relieved, and patients’ quality of life can be maintained, with many leading a “normal life”. In 2024, secondary breast cancer was deemed “moderately severe”, meaning that funding would not be granted in Wales, England and Northern Ireland. My request is that we have access to the licensed Enhertu drug, which is used to slow the cancer’s progression and maintain quality of life for patients. It is incredibly difficult to justify a system in which patients in Scotland and more than 20 other European countries can access this treatment, while eligible patients in England, Wales and Northern Ireland cannot. It just does not make sense. Mental health support should also be invested in across the United Kingdom to ensure that patients and their families receive emotional support to help them cope. Despite secondary breast cancer being the leading cause of death for women under 60 in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, over 40% of British adults have not heard of the disease. There is a lack of awareness. It was quite amazing to know that some of the ladies I met that day with the Minister in Northern Ireland thought that they were cured but found out that they were not, because the full diagnosis had not been done. The hon. Member for Horsham (John Milne) is very knowledgeable about the Lobular Moon Shot Project; he spoke about how more needs to be done, and I want to speak about that as well. It is estimated that some 36% of people cannot name any signs or symptoms of the cancer. Those figures show that there is much work to be done to ensure that individuals are informed, and that they rapidly access treatment as a result of early diagnosis. We can, however, inform the public only of what we know. Advancements must be made to invest in further research to deepen healthcare professionals’ understanding of the disease and change its prognosis from being a death sentence. Charities such as Breast Cancer Now have already awarded some £300,000 to researchers at Queen’s University Belfast to support an investigation into the inequalities among people living with this disease. I am very pleased to see the Minister in her place. She encourages us with her interest and compassion for this subject, and I know that she will give us some idea of what has been done at Queen’s University Belfast and the trials that are taking place. We are not that far from finding the cure, and from raising awareness to the level it should be at to save lives and give people hope for the future, long beyond the times that have been allocated. Has the Minister’s Department had an opportunity to talk to Queen’s University Belfast to see what it is doing? Has she had a chance to talk to Mike Nesbitt, the Minister of Health in the Northern Ireland Assembly, to support the investigation into the inequalities among people living with this disease? The study will consider factors including education, income, disability and mental health—we always say this, because it is the truth: it is not just the ladies who suffer; the families, the children and their in-laws suffer too, because they are all very aware of what is happening—to determine how inequalities influence patients’ access to care, their treatment outcomes and their overall quality of life. Would the Government consider supporting this research at Queen’s University Belfast so that everyone living with the disease across the United Kingdom is given a fair chance to access effective care? Speaking as my party’s health spokesperson and as a representative from Northern Ireland, I draw attention to the long wait times for cancer referrals in comparison with the rest of the United Kingdom. From July to September 2025, urgent breast cancer referrals in particular saw long delays, with just 6.8% seen within the 14-day target. Over the same time, the Health and Social Care Trust received more than 6,000 referrals for suspected breast cancer, 86% of which were marked as urgent—86%, and no response. With approximately 1,000 living with the disease in Northern Ireland, I must draw attention to the increased risk of women in Northern Ireland experiencing delays in diagnosis and access to treatment. Cancer treatment should not be a postcode lottery. Advances in treatment mean that more people can now live longer and maintain a good quality of life with secondary breast cancer. While the disease remains incurable, everyone across the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland should have equal access to the treatment and support that they need. I join Members—those who have spoken and those who will speak shortly—in looking to the Minister and simply asking for more: more screening, more funding and more saving of lives.

• 11 Jun 2026 · Legacy of Jo Cox · Hansard source

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  I commend the Minister for leading the debate. I recall well the Friday morning in my constituency office when the news broke. I immediately penned a letter because at that stage, Jo was still with us, although injured. I had hardly finished the letter when, unfortunately, the sad news came through that she had passed away. To her sister, the hon. Member for Spen Valley (Kim Leadbeater), and to all her family, I will say that we very much think of them and our prayers are with them as well. We always remember, as the Minister said. I cannot be here for the whole debate, as I am leading another debate in Westminster Hall, so I want to put these words on record. I admired Jo for her courage and for her advocacy of her constituents. No one doubted her determination, and when she spoke we were always moved by what she had to say. Today, 10 years later, we still remember her with fondness.

• 11 Jun 2026 · Clean Power by 2030 · Hansard source

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  On a point of order, Mrs Barker. For clarification, I asked the hon. Member for Inverness, Skye and West Ross-shire (Mr MacDonald) about the interconnector between Scotland and Northern Ireland, but as the Minister is in the Chamber, perhaps he might answer.

• 11 Jun 2026 · Clean Power by 2030 · Hansard source

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  I thank the Scottish Affairs Committee for the report and the hon. Member for Inverness, Skye and West Ross-shire (Mr MacDonald) for outlining the factual case. I also thank hon. Members who commit their time and energy to coming forward with ideas—there are many ideas in the report. Am I allowed to ask two questions, Mrs Barker?

• 11 Jun 2026 · Clean Power by 2030 · Hansard source

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  I will try to combine two issues in one question, then—my apologies for being overambitious. On green energy issues, does the Committee intend to share its ideas with the Northern Ireland Assembly? In Northern Ireland, green energy is not as advanced as in Scotland, and we are looking towards the energy connection between Scotland and Northern Ireland. Did the Committee consider that connection, and if not, will it do so at some point in the future?

• 11 Jun 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to bring an issue to the Chamber for the Leader of the House to consider. Will he ask the Foreign Secretary to make a statement on the protections of religious leaders in Colombia, following reports that some 11 religious leaders have been assassinated, extrajudicially executed, forcibly disappeared or kidnapped since 2024, and on whether the Government will raise the restoration of protection measures for vulnerable faith leaders with the Colombian authorities?

• 11 Jun 2026 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  The previous Government set aside a designated fund to address the issue of coastal erosion. On the A20 in my constituency, coastal erosion happens with ferocity every winter and every spring. Will the Minister consider setting aside a designated fund for coastal erosion for all of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, as the Government did in the past?

• 11 Jun 2026 · Compassionate Use Medicine Schemes: VAT · Hansard source

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  Hon. Members have raised concerns for compassionate reasons and on behalf of their constituents who feel the pain. Compassionate access schemes are a critical lifeline for terminally ill patients, often stepping in when the NHS has exhausted all standard funding avenues. Any move by HMRC to levy, to barter or to impose deemed supply VAT on free clinical treatment places an unacceptable risk on voluntary patient provision. I say this kindly, but will the Minister ensure that the Treasury works collaboratively with the devolved health Executive to create a permanent and water-tight VAT exemption, so that no patient, regardless of their postcode, is left behind and compassion is a UK-wide attribute, not a postcode lottery?

• 11 Jun 2026 · Transport Hubs: UV Index Alerts · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for that answer and the hon. Member for Neath and Swansea East (Carolyn Harris) for bringing this issue forward. She always brings forward incredible issues for us all to be aware of. The figures for skin cancer in Northern Ireland are rising, and she has brought UV index alerts to the Minister’s attention. It is important that he takes action after discussing the matter with the hon. Lady, but after that meeting will he convey his thoughts to the relevant Minister in Northern Ireland to ensure that Ministers there do the same thing that the hon. Lady wants? If she wants it, then, in my opinion, we should support her.

• 11 Jun 2026 · Freedom of Religion or Belief: Sudan · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Gentleman for his words. We spoke beforehand in the Chamber to go over what he has just referred to. There is a key role to play. We are very fortunate to have the Minister in his place, and that the Government have given that £146 million of humanitarian aid. I suspect that it probably does not get to where it should—that is not the fault of the Government or the Minister—but there is a commitment from this Government and from our Minister on that. In reference to the points made by the hon. Member for Leeds South West and Morley (Mark Sewards), let me say that no cause, grievance or political objective can ever justify the targeting of civilians, the destruction of places of worship or the abuse of women and children. As I said earlier, the depravity of those carrying out those vile things against innocent people is inconceivable. In Sudan, places that should be treated as sanctuaries are being treated with contempt and disregard. In June 2025, the Rapid Support Forces bombed the Sudanese Episcopal church, the African Inland church and the Roman Catholic church in El Fasher. Father Luka Jomo, a devoted parish priest, later died from his injuries. He was not from El Fasher, but his duty as a pastor and priest who reaches out to help people was to stay with them and remain there during the siege, serving a community that was predominantly Muslim. That is Christianity at work. I would love to see a world in which we can all have different religions, if that is the way it is, but still stand up for each other. That is what we should do, and I believe Father Luka Jomo did exactly that in the most compassionate way, ultimately giving his life for the belief that he held. That speaks powerfully of his faith, courage and love for the people whom he served and ultimately died for. Of course, this disregard for human life extends to people of all faiths. In September 2025, the Rapid Support Forces attacked a mosque near Abdul Shouk camp during dawn prayers, killing over 70 people. Those people were praying, at peace and in touch with their God, yet they were murdered. In Khartoum, the Pentecostal Church premises in El Haj Yousif, El Shegla, were destroyed by extremists and members of the Sudanese armed forces. I have probably destroyed some of those words with my Ulster Scots accent, never mind my interpretation, but I am trying to put on record my concern for all those places that I will probably never see, and all those people whom I will probably never meet in this world, but hopefully will meet in the next. For those who flee, the nightmare often continues. There are reports of Christians—my brothers and sisters—who had fled from areas controlled by the Rapid Support Forces being arrested and detained in areas controlled by the Sudanese armed forces. It seems to be not only the terrorist groups who show disregard for human life, but sometimes the Government troops as well. In October 2024, military intelligence officials in Shendi reportedly arrested 26 Christian men from the Sudanese Church of Christ, accusing them of being affiliated with the Rapid Support Forces. These accusations do not appear to have been based on any evidence—because there is no evidence to prove them—but on suspicion, on ethnicity and on the locations those people had fled from. They just happened to come from an area that the Rapid Support Forces had chased them from, and then the officials said that they were from that group. It really is quite hard to believe. There are also wider concerns about what has been called the “strange faces” policy, which is rather hard to understand. Under that policy, people who are perceived— I emphasise the word “perceived”; it is not fact—to belong to communities linked with one side or the other have been harassed, detained or accused of criminal offences, even though there is little or no evidence to prove that they are guilty of any of them. Christian communities have been affected, too; many of them come from the Nuba mountains and the people are of African ethnicity. We must also confront the horrific reality of conflict-related sexual violence. Such violence is inconceivable; it is wicked, depraved and evil for anyone to take advantage of a woman or a young girl just because they are female. Women and girls have been raped, abducted and taken into sexual slavery; one young married woman had her young daughters taken away from her and—against their will, obviously—taken into sexual slavery. They were brought up in a good home, but what happened to them is depraved. There are reports of men experiencing sexual violence in detention, as well. There are people of depravity in control of jails and in other positions of power who carry out their most depraved acts upon those whom they have a responsibility to look after. Survivors need medical care, social support and access to justice. I have three or four asks of the Minister, and I must say that it really is a joy to see him here. His choice of words and his tone are calming; no matter how dark the statements that he makes in the main Chamber—and sometimes such statements are pretty dark—he develops a tone that perhaps calm us; it calms me, anyway. It is important that we can relate to a Minister who I believe has the heart for the stories that we are telling. We thank him for that. On the resources that have been made available for work not only in South Sudan but for refugees in neighbouring countries, the hon. Member for Leeds South West and Morley referred in an intervention to £146 million in humanitarian aid, which covers some of the things that we are doing. But what about those who need medical help, those facing the trauma of depravities committed against them, the young children who are not being educated, because there are no teachers and no schools to teach in, or the neighbouring countries to which refugees have fled? The treatment of women and girls by depraved men is reprehensible. We must intervene to support those who work in this area, not simply to help those who have been directly affected, but to train a generation to understand that rape and sexual violence are despicable, and that the actions of the past cannot be the actions of the future. The United Kingdom has a particular responsibility because, to go back to the hon. Gentleman’s intervention once again, we are the penholder on Sudan at the United Nations Security Council, and we have played a leading role on Sudan at the United Nations Human Rights Council. That gives us a duty to lead. I do not believe for one second that the Minister is not doing that, and I do not believe for one second that the Government are not doing that, but is there a better way of doing it? Can we encourage others to be, on paper, a penholder, as we are in the United Kingdom? Maybe there is a bigger role for the United States, the rest of Europe, those in the western world and those who have a heart for the people and compassion for those who are under pressure. I think the hon. Member for Leeds South West and Morley must have read my three points; I did not show him my speech, but he ascertained what the issues were very quickly, and I congratulate him on that. I urge the Minister to press for an immediate ceasefire, safe humanitarian access, and the protection of civilians, churches, mosques and other places of worship. I ask the Minister and the Government to support the mandate of the United Nations fact-finding mission for the Sudan and to ensure that it is fully resourced and not watered down. I am not here to criticise the Government for the moneys set aside for other countries across the world. We understand the financial pressures that are reducing those. In the debate in the main Chamber on the legacy of Jo Cox, the shadow Minister, the right hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Sir Andrew Mitchell), referred to the Department for International Development and the reduction in development spending. DFID is the soft approach; the other approach is a military one, of course, but there are other ways to do it. We have been clear that we are happy to hear the Minister’s ideas about how we can protect civilians, churches, mosques and places of worship and how we can support the United Nations fact-finding mission for the Sudan. Once we have all the details from the fact-finding mission, what plan of action will we take forward to ensure that things get better? I also ask the Government to press for the Darfur arms embargo to be extended across the whole of Sudan and for the mandate of the International Criminal Court investigation, currently focused on Darfur, to be extended to the whole country. I am a great believer—this is a personal thing, but I believe that there are many in this House who feel the same—that while people in this world may think they get away with certain things, there is a day coming in the next world when they will be held accountable. What I want in this world is for them to be accountable for their crimes, their depravities, their abuse of women and children, their murders and their killing. I want them to be brought before an International Criminal Court investigation. I would be deeply indebted to the Minister if he could give us some indication of what is happening in relation to the International Criminal Court investigation. There must also be accountability for those outside Sudan who are fuelling the war. If other states are supplying arms, funds or political cover to either side, that must be called out; I will mention one shortly. The United Kingdom should not be afraid to use sanctions against those who enable atrocities, inside or outside Sudan—it does not matter where they are in the world— and hold them accountable. I am quite sure that our Government and our Minister will make that happen. There is a country that many of us feel is involved in this conflict right up to its neck. Concerns have been raised about the alleged role of the United Arab Emirates in supporting the Rapid Support Forces. The United Arab Emirates has denied any wrongdoing. It is so holier than thou, or at least it tries to be—but no; its hands are dirty and bloody, and it is time for it to be held accountable. The allegations made are serious and simply cannot be ignored. If any external state is supplying arms, funds or logistical support to those committing atrocities, it must be held to account. There must be a time when the United Arab Emirates and whoever is involved in these activities are held accountable. I referred to the campaign for the Premier League to raise concerns with Manchester City owner Sheikh Mansour, who is also a senior political figure in the United Arab Emirates. Abdallah Idriss Abugarda, a survivor of the first Darfur genocide and leader of the Darfur Diaspora Association, has made the point that football is powerful. The first match of the world cup is tonight, and we are going to see the power of football over the next fortnight or three weeks. Well, here is an opportunity for the power of football to do something for the people, stopping the supply of arms, funds and logistical support. The owner of Manchester City should do his bit as well. Football is powerful, and with power comes moral responsibility. It is not just about playing the magnificent game for 90 minutes plus extra time. Whether in sport, diplomacy or trade, no institution should turn away from credible concerns about atrocities. That is why accountability must not stop at Sudan’s borders. If we are serious about ending this war, we must look at not only those pulling the trigger, but those supplying funding and enabling the violence. If the Minister does not mind, I would like some direction about any discussions with the UAE. Have there been any discussions, with the influence of Man City, perhaps? I am not a Man City supporter—this is not about what team I support. I support Leicester City, and we are now in the first division. If we are not careful, we might be in the second; I digress slightly but, when Coventry City went down, it took them 20 years to come back up. I hope it will not take 20 years for Leicester to come back. I hope it will be sooner than that. A lasting peace can be built only on justice, accountability and the protection of all Sudanese people: Muslim, Christian, whoever. The destruction of places of worship must end; the targeting of civilians must end; the abuse of women and girls must, must, must end; the obstruction of aid must end. The people of Sudan deserve peace, justice, protection and the freedom to believe, worship and live without fear. We must do all within our power—the physical and emotional power that we have in this country—to help the people of Sudan to change their nation and deliver hope and a future to their young people, the people of tomorrow. As a grandfather, I often think not just of my three boys, but of my six grandchildren and the place I want to leave them in. We want to leave the same thing for their young people. Women and children are valuable to God and to us, and he cares for them as we do. I often finish with a scripture text. Today, it is Ephesians 6, where it tells us: “Having done all…stand.” The people of Sudan cannot stand alone, so my final request is that our Government stand with them and support their nation. Today, in Westminster Hall, we stand; we can do no other.

• 11 Jun 2026 · Freedom of Religion or Belief: Sudan · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered freedom of religion or belief in Sudan. It is a real pleasure to introduce this debate, which is one that I have sought for some time. It is also a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mrs Barker—we have been friends for so many years in this House, and I appreciate that. It is a pleasure to see the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs, the hon. Member for Lincoln (Mr Falconer), in his place, although he is not who I was told would be here. It is in no way a disappointment; it is just that the hon. Member for Bridgend (Chris Elmore) happened to tell me, “I’ll see you on Thursday”, but there we are. It is also a pleasure to see the shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Spelthorne (Lincoln Jopp), who I spoke to beforehand; we have had a good friendship in this House. The Liberal Democrat spokesperson, the hon. Member for Surrey Heath (Dr Pinkerton), always turns up at my debates—I am not sure whether that is because he is made to or because he has a deep interest in them, but knowing him, I am going for the latter reason. Why is this debate important? Sudan has been in my heart—and in all our hearts, I think—for a long time. There are many other things that people could be doing. We are well aware of the date of the Makerfield by-election, and I know people are committing themselves to that, which I understand. The shadow Minister told me that some Members who are speaking in the debate in the main Chamber on the legacy of Jo Cox also wanted to be here. There are others who also wished to participate but are in the Chamber. I thank the Backbench Business Committee for allocating the time to discuss the severe violations of freedom of religion or belief in Sudan. The Liberal Democrat spokesperson will bring to this debate his personal experience—I did not know until a short time ago that he was in Sudan in 2022—and his knowledge of that time there and some of the things that have happened since. It burdens my soul when terrible persecution and unspeakable violence take place against my brothers and sisters in the Lord—Christians—and those of other faiths. Muslims have not been outside the abuse, attacks and violence. Terrorist groups are committed to destroying Sudan, and they do not seem to worry a bit about what happens. As chairman of the all-party parliamentary group for international freedom of religion or belief, I have watched with great concern as Sudan has descended into the largest current humanitarian crisis on earth. The number of people displaced and murdered, and the level of abuse that takes place against women and young girls, are horrendous. Those things really quite annoy me, and they annoy us all. I cannot quite understand why anybody wants to be so evil, wicked and depraved against women and children. It is inconceivable; my mind cannot take it in. Since April 2023, more than 150,000 people are estimated to have been killed—some figures are even above that—and up to 15 million people have been displaced from their homes. Famine has taken hold in the Zamzam displacement camp, and millions more face hunger, fear and uncertainty every day of their lives. Sudan is fourth in the world watch list—that is like the premier league, but fourth place in this premier league does not look good, as it is about atrocities, persecution, human rights abuses and other things taking place. The top four or five are the worst places in the world, including North Korea, China and parts of Russia. In February, the United Nations fact-finding mission reported on the actions of the Rapid Support Forces around El Fasher. At that particular time, there were incredible reports filtering through of the murderous intent of the Rapid Support Forces and the hallmarks of genocide, particularly in the targeting of non-Arab communities, including the Fur and Zaghawa peoples. Those words should make every one of us stop and think: hallmarks of genocide—men, women and children killed because they happened to be Christians, Muslims or, as far as the Rapid Support Forces are concerned, the enemy. The situation in Sudan is one of hatred, identity-based violence and impunity at its worst. In my lifetime, though to a much lesser degree, I have seen in Northern Ireland—you will be aware of this, Mrs Barker—how hatred is allowed to overcome basic humanity. I have always tried in my life to be circumspect about those things, to take in what happens while also looking at how we move on and bring society together. We have done that in Northern Ireland, but Sudan is nowhere near that point.

• 11 Jun 2026 · Freedom of Religion or Belief: Sudan · Hansard source

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  Those who renounce their Christianity and want to convert, or Muslims who want to convert to Christianity, are denied fundamental economic rights. They face the complete forfeiture of any family inheritance, domestic violence and abandonment without financial recourse. Those who were once Muslims and are now Christians lose even their most basic rights. The hon. Gentleman is right to highlight that, and it is absolutely despicable to see what is taking place.

• 11 Jun 2026 · Freedom of Religion or Belief: Sudan · Hansard source

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  I thank all hon. Members for their contributions. I thank the hon. Member for Leeds South West and Morley (Mark Sewards) for pre-reading my speech. He knew my four headlines, and mentioned the four of them in an intervention, delivering my speech in four words or thereabouts—that would have been a small speech for me. I know he has a deep interest in Sudan, and I thank him for coming along. I am pleased to see the hon. Member for Surrey Heath (Dr Pinkerton). He and I share many deep interests, and Sudan is one of them. We understand the issue of persecution of those of Christian faith, other faiths and no faith. We understand the issue of human rights abuse, and Sudan is unfortunately the epitome of all the things that are going wrong. He also referred to article 18 of the United Nations charter, which is core to this issue, and to the UAE. The Minister has just confirmed that 10 or 12 states are involved in the supply of arms, which gives us some concern. It was nice of the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Adam Jogee) to come along. He married a girl from Northern Ireland, so he is almost a Northern Ireland citizen. He focused on the Africa strategy. The Minister kindly replied to him and said that is something he brings up regularly. We thank him for that. The shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Spelthorne (Lincoln Jopp)—gallant Member that he is—is a great friend of Northern Ireland. He is a great friend of mine because of his service in the forces, and a great friend of all in this House for all he did to bring about peace. He focused on the 33 million people in need in Sudan. That is a massive figure. It is half the population of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland—that is how big it is. Such is its vastness that it could go from Liverpool down to the very south coast or from Liverpool up to Edinburgh. He referred to the killing of pastors and priests and the destruction of churches and mosques. If the law is to mean anything, the state must act; it cannot ignore these incidents. I thought that was important. He also underlined what the US is doing. I am sure it is doing something. It is sometimes easy to disregard that, but it is important to recognise, although it could be doing more to work collectively. I thank the Minister for his answers and for his tone. He gave us great encouragement, and his words were well chosen and well spoken. He referred to the UK’s role as the penholder and to the graphic violence. We do not need to go into that, but just thinking about it makes me feel bad, to tell the truth. The extra £146 million he mentioned will reach another 2 million people. He referred to the 12 states that are funnelling the arms to area, but it is encouraging to hear that Sudanese human rights defenders are collecting evidence of abuses. Some of the guys who are involved in the atrocities and bestial activities will be held to account someday. The Minister is right: the fighting must stop. We all wish that the fighting would stop. We should all be encouraged that our Minister and our Government are committed to trying to find peace. I suggest there is one more thing we all need to do. If we are not doing it, I think we should. We should pray every day for Sudan and its people. Question put and agreed to. Resolved, That this House has considered freedom of religion or belief in Sudan.

• 10 Jun 2026 · Child Contact Arrangements · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Lady for securing this debate on a very complex issue. There were elements of the Courts and Tribunals Bill that were impossible to support, but it also sought to address the issue of a child’s consent in contact arrangements and, importantly, the need for the child’s opinion to be a consideration that is given weight. Does she agree that the child’s desires must be considered, not simply overlooked, and that the Government must make these changes outside the Bill if it falls?

• 10 Jun 2026 · Myanmar: Human Rights · Hansard source

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  In my earlier intervention, I mentioned the work that Open Doors does in Myanmar and across the world. Has the Minister had an opportunity—I suspect that he has—to contact Open Doors, find out what it is trying to do there, and work in partnership with it, for everyone’s benefit?

• 10 Jun 2026 · Myanmar: Human Rights · Hansard source

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  I commend the right hon. Gentleman for securing this debate. Since the illegal military coup, the junta has executed a brutal, calculated campaign targeting predominantly Christian ethnic regions in Chin, Kayah and Kachin states as well as Sagaing and Yangon. Reports from Open Doors confirmed that historical Christian communities face unprecedented violence, with churches being bombed via indiscriminate military airstrikes. Villages have been razed to the ground and Christian pastors are being unlawfully detained, disappeared or killed. Will the right hon. Gentleman join me in urging the Government to do all in their power to support those Christians, as well as Muslims and all those persecuted for their faith in that nation?

• 10 Jun 2026 · Glasgow Commonwealth Games 2026 · Hansard source

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  It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Twigg. I thank the hon. Member for Glasgow West (Patricia Ferguson) for bringing this issue to our attention. It is also a pleasure to see the Minister in her place. I am confident she will respond in a positive way, giving the encouragement the hon. Lady needs. I do not doubt for a second that that is her nature. It is also a pleasure to see the shadow Minister in his place. He has a deep interest in all things to do with sport, so that is more encouragement for the hon. Lady. I also see the Lib Dem spokesperson in place, who has been a dear friend for many years. Why does it mean so much to me, as the MP for Strangford, to see Glasgow host these games? We can see the potential that the hon. Lady referred to in her last couple of sentences. Also, I am keen on speak on this because of the strong historical links between Glasgow and our capital of Belfast. The hon. Lady’s colleagues are here in some numbers—I am not sure that there are any Scottish MPs left in the Chamber; they are nearly all here, as they should be, to support her. I say in all honesty and sincerity that I much enjoy the friendship of my Scottish colleagues—my Gaelic cousins. I do that for a number of reasons. I am descended from the Stewarts of the lowlands in Scotland, so the Gaelic blood they have in their systems is the same as I have in mine. Of course, we are only a short distance from each other—I would say just a stone’s throw; you would need strong arms, but it is not too far away. In our blood we have the Scottish traits, cultures and interests. We have the pipes, but maybe not the dancing—if anybody ever saw me dancing, it would be scary. We also have the thriftiness that the Scots have. They certainly gave it to me, because we look after our money in a very kind and powerful way. The Glasgow Commonwealth games take place in just over six weeks, with the games this year focused on innovation. The hon. Member for Glasgow West set the scene incredibly well. I want to highlight a unique opportunity. The hon. Member for Carlisle (Ms Minns) suggested that Carlisle is close, but I tell her what: we are closer. I say that honestly. We have a chance to strengthen co-operation between Glasgow and Belfast and maximise the benefits for the wider UK economy. Belfast is strategically placed to be a support location for the games due to the transport and economic links between the two cities. The Commonwealth teams who are coming have probably all picked their places to stay by now, but we are not too far away. Belfast has already been recognised as capable of hosting major sporting events, as it was selected to accommodate the 2028 UEFA Euros. Although that did not happen due to extenuating circumstances, it demonstrated recognition of Northern Ireland’s capability to hold these large-scale events. Belfast could be used to accommodate visitors to the games, who would only be a short distance from Glasgow. There are many hotels in Belfast and elsewhere that could provide hundreds of rooms to accommodate them. The city is well positioned to take the pressure off Glasgow’s infrastructure by hosting media, officials, spectators and teams. There are excellent transport links between the two cities, with daily flights and regular ferries. In particular, Northern Ireland has the facilities to support athletes’ preparation for the games, and could even hold selected sporting events—side events would perhaps be the better way of putting it. That would further reduce pressure on Glasgow’s infrastructure while extending the economic benefits. I suggest to the hon. Member for Glasgow West and those who have not considered it that there is an opportunity to utilise Bangor’s Olympic-standard swimming pool. It is a 10-lane, 50-metre pool with two submersible booms and floating floors to facilitate full international long and short-course competitions The pool was specifically developed to support Olympic, Paralympic and Commonwealth-level competitors, and it is already used for national elite competitions; it could facilitate training for the Glasgow Commonwealth games as well Although Glasgow did not report being overwhelmed by the influx of visitors during the 2014 Commonwealth games, the incoming 2026 games have been prepared for at much shorter notice. Hopefully, the potential for those who will visit will be exceptional and boost the economy in Scotland. The originally proposed host had to withdraw due to increasing costs, leaving Glasgow only two years to finalise the arrangements. Partnering with Belfast as a support for the games could demonstrate what a sustainable model for the games looks like in the future, when the costs will be even greater and we may need to spread them a wee bit further to make the games more sustainable and ensure that they continue to unite the Commonwealth nations. I always think that, in this great United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, we in Northern Ireland and our Scottish cousins—our Gaelic cousins—should play together in every way. No SNP colleagues are here to tell us that they may have a different opinion, but I am a great and proud member of this United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland who loves all the people of this great nation, particularly the Scottish people. I believe that work can and should take place between the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Scottish Parliament to ensure that the rising tide of the Commonwealth games lifts the ships not only in Scotland but in Strangford lough in Northern Ireland.

• 10 Jun 2026 · Glasgow Commonwealth Games 2026 · Hansard source

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  We have referred to sports that will not be at the games for all different reasons. We in Northern Ireland seem to excel at boxing and shooting. I am not quite sure why, but whatever the reason, there will be no shooting sports at the Commonwealth games. Does the hon. Member feel that should be addressed? We have asked for that before, and it has not happened. Maybe it is time to get it right.

• 10 Jun 2026 · Belfast: Violent Disorder · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for his thoughtful answers, which are helpful to those of us asking questions. I totally condemn the violence that took place in Belfast. Yesterday I stood in this place and spoke about people’s right to protest peacefully and to have their Government take account of their fears and their views. As the Member of Parliament for Strangford, I can say that not one stone was thrown by the hundreds and hundreds of people who stood by the cenotaph in Newtownards last night. Women with zimmer frames, young mothers with children and families stood in companionable silence, and the PSNI has confirmed that no thuggery whatsoever took place. Those people did what they needed to do to have their voice heard. Now it is time for the Government to do what they need to do, and listen to and act for those decent and reasonable people who are not thugs and who have valid fears. Will the Minister confirm that the views of the reasonable thousands throughout the Province who quietly asked for their voice to be heard will not be ignored as a result of the loud actions of some terrible thugs?

• 10 Jun 2026 · National Resilience · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Member. Resilience is about not just defence but health. To cast the mind of the hon. Gentleman and that of the House back to the national emergency of covid-19, the report of the UK covid inquiry mentioned “fatal strategic flaws”. The NHS did not collapse, although it came close and patients often did not receive the standard of care that they were due, and that led to delays in diagnosis and treatment. Does the hon. Member not agree that serious concerns about the lack of the health service’s effective surge capacity need to be addressed in anticipation of another national health emergency and to secure national resilience in the face of medical uncertainty?

• 10 Jun 2026 · Water Supply in Kent · Hansard source

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  The hon. Gentleman talked about farmers, who need water to give to their cattle. If they cannot do that, it is almost an animal tragedy waiting to happen. When there are water supply problems, many people suffer, but particularly farmers, who may have to look after 150 to 200 cattle, sheep or whatever it may be. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that farmers need to be looked after as a priority?

• 10 Jun 2026 · Local Government Reform · Hansard source

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  That intervention sums up my comments, and it provides further evidence. When Ards borough council, on which I served for 26 years, was partnered with North Down council, we took on North Down’s debt, while we had been prudent—very Ulster Scottish—and had made sure that our moneys were well managed. That is not a bad reflection on North Down council, but it illustrates the issue. The hon. Lady has illustrated it incredibly well with her comments. I am all for making efficiencies, but throwing areas together that have little in common, as the hon. Lady just said, and removing the face-to-face contact points, centralising to an inaccessible hub and doing all of that with no savings to show over 10 years must be a warning to all. Sometimes financial projections do not meet the reality. We must all be aware of the myriad difficulties presented. I gave the example of Ards borough council and the changes in Northern Ireland. It did not work for us. Will it work here?

• 10 Jun 2026 · Local Government Reform · Hansard source

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  It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Dr Murrison. I thank the hon. Member for Harborough, Oadby and Wigston (Neil O’Brien) for securing this debate. Obviously, the Minister is not responsible for local government reorganisation in Northern Ireland, but I want to caution against the approach that has been put forward today, because the shortfalls of what we have done in Northern Ireland will undoubtedly be replicated here on the mainland. It is nice to see the Minister in her place. She will know some of the things I have said in the past, including in my questions to her in the Chamber. We have done a local government review and reorganisation in Northern Ireland and it did not quite work out, so perhaps a cautionary approach should be taken, learning from the promises that were made and ultimately not delivered for us in Northern Ireland. I note the optimistic projections before us. The House was told that this grand restructuring will streamline services and save an estimated £2.9 billion over five years. That is to be welcomed, if those words turn into reality. I wish I could say it is the reality of what happened in Northern Ireland, but it is not because the promises were not realised at all. From our distinct experience in Northern Ireland, I must therefore issue a strong note of caution to the Government. We had reform of all councils in Northern Ireland, reducing their number from 26 to 11. Massive savings were promised due to less duplication, with no need to have so many middle staff because one departmental head could look after two sections, and no need to have buildings in all the council areas. Lots of savings were promised, and unfortunately they were not realised. I served on a council for some 26 years from 1985 right through to 2010, so there is a very special place in my heart for local government. I know at first hand the real and tangible benefit of local councils making local decisions for the people who live there. Indeed, some of the best days I had were on the council. I love bread-and-butter issues, and councillors get their hands dirty with that sort of stuff. I know that any Member who has served at local council level will agree that the general public having access to their council must be protected at every single level. Unfortunately, I suspect that will not happen with these reforms. We know the importance of that level of representation and advocacy. I look back with fondness on my 26 years of apprenticeship. For a short period of three months, I served as a councillor, a Member of the Legislative Assembly and an MP at the same time. I gave an undertaking to resign from the other two places to take up my position here, and I did. The systematic removal of face-to-face access for people in our towns and villages caused by aggressive centralisation can never be acceptable. We have seen this movie before. It is like a less funny “Groundhog Day”. It happened to us in Northern Ireland, and it is going to happen here again—except when we wake up this time, it will not be so much fun. Northern Ireland is now a decade on from our own major reform of local authorities, which reduced the number of councils from 26 to 11. The promises made then mirror the promises made today. A 2024 Department for Communities report concluded that it is still too early to determine if those reforms have been cost-effective. Crucially, the report also revealed that the new, larger councils are actually spending more than their 26 predecessors combined—wow. The promises were never realised. Indeed, they went the other way. As has already been said, bigger does not automatically mean cheaper. Centralisation does not inherently guarantee efficiency. The Minister is an honourable lady who does her best for us all in this Chamber. Looking to Northern Ireland, has she and her Department fully taken into account the findings of that DFC report and the deep financial uncertainties that it highlighted? What iron-clad guarantees can she offer to ensure that we are not promising billions in theoretical savings, when the reality might mean taking more hard-earned cash from the pockets of local taxpayers and ratepayers? That is what this means, as that is who pays for it all at the end of the day. We must not allow structural change to become an expensive, box-ticking exercise that leaves hard-working families picking up the tab at a particularly difficult time.