Jim Shannon MP: speeches 2026

Speeches

• 14 Jul 2026 · Lung Cancer Screening Programme · Hansard source

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  Never intimidation, Mr Speaker; I am not strong enough for that. My colleague and friend, the hon. Member for Runcorn and Helsby (Sarah Pochin), has kindly let me ask this question. As chair of the all-party parliamentary group on respiratory health, I want to ask this question. The lung cancer screening programme has been an enormous success, and the Minister knows that the low-dose CT scan regularly identifies clinically significant incidental findings, so what progress has her Department made in ensuring that incidental funding is followed up? When will the national guidance be issued on this, preferably as part of a modern service framework for respiratory health?

• 14 Jul 2026 · Rugby in Schools · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Gentleman for bringing this forward. He outlines some of the clubs in his constituency that do great things. In my main town of Newtownards, Ards rugby club is a phenomenal club that seeks to be involved in charitable as well as sporting aspects within the area. On its own initiative, it recently went into schools to provide free training sessions with children, to give them an understanding of and a passion for the game. Both girls and boys were invited to train with the club. Does the hon. Member agree that while the clubs can do so much, they really do need that wee bit of extra help to lift the children aspect of small teams?

• 9 Jul 2026 · Tuna Fishing Licences · Hansard source

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  I do not know how to respond to that, Mr Speaker, but I will take it that it was meant in a good way. I echo what the hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Torcuil Crichton) said and I ask the Minister to focus on Northern Ireland. Why are Northern Ireland’s sustainable rod and reel fishers being treated as second-class citizens? Will he commit to sitting down with the Northern Ireland Fish Producers Organisation to rewrite these unfair rules, so that our fishermen can access a fair geographical equal share of this quota? If there is something for Northern Ireland fishermen, I will be fighting—

• 9 Jul 2026 · NATO Summit · Hansard source

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  I thank the Secretary of State for her statement, which had vast portions of positivity and good news within it. While the £70 billion Ukraine package and the 5% spending target by 2035 sound impressive, our constituents want to know just how well those declarations translate into safety on the ground. Russia continues its brutal onslaught. As was rightly pointed out at the summit, Iran’s nuclear ambitions and regional aggression are incredibly worrying, too. How will the Government ensure that all NATO countries are fully playing their part and that every pound coming from our taxpayers will be matched by fellow NATO countries and their taxpayers?

• 9 Jul 2026 · Lobular Breast Cancer: Moon Shot Project · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Gentleman for securing this debate. He has been very vocal on this subject matter and we all support him. I apologise to him, to you, Mrs Hobhouse, and to the ladies in the Public Gallery today, because I have an early flight home so I cannot be here to make a longer contribution to the debate. This debate is not just about the women the hon. Gentleman has referred to. Alongside Northern Ireland’s Health Minister, Mike Nesbitt, I have met women in Northern Ireland who have lobular cancer. Some of them will not have a long time in this world and I was very moved by what they told us. Does the hon. Gentleman feel that now is the time for the Minister and the Government to ensure that the small amount of money that is needed to help to alleviate the health issues for women with lobular breast cancer is made available, as well as the money that is needed for research? If that happens, the ladies who are here today and my constituents in Northern Ireland can get the help they need.

• 9 Jul 2026 · Iran Conflict: Ceasefire · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for his answers. His words are always well chosen, and I think he encapsulates the energy and opinion of this House. The IRGC continues to wage war against humanity, executing prisoners, ruthlessly spying on dissidents on British soil and orchestrating severe targeted persecution against religious minorities, including our Christian brothers and sisters in Iran. The IRGC also continues to block the strait of Hormuz and attack peaceful neighbours. What discussions have the Minister and the Government had with our NATO and USA allies to collectively respond and show Iran that its continued state-sponsored terrorism will no longer be tolerated?

• 9 Jul 2026 · Conflicts: Impact on Older People · Hansard source

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  I speak for myself, but I think you are not too far off my years, Mr Betts, although I know that I am older than you. In Sudan, the health sector has been destroyed and medicines are in short supply. Even those with manageable health conditions are at grave risk. In parts of Darfur, dozens of older people are among those who have died of hunger in recent months, after armed groups blocked food deliveries. Who cannot get to the aid centres or food centres, because of their disabilities or their particular needs? Older people. Why is that allowed to happen? It is because older people are invisible in the data. We often come back to data when it comes to debates—especially health debates, but perhaps debates on anything—because data collection and analysis fail to capture the realities of older people’s lives, with data collection often stopping before people are 60. If someone is over 60, their time in this world, according to those who collect data, is limited. Where older people’s data is included in data collection, they are often lumped together as a single group—those over 60—but that obscures diversity and hinders effective policy making. Evidence shows that age inclusion specialists can change humanitarian assistance by improving assessments, data collection, training and programme design. To give just one example, the data collection tools used by HelpAge Ethiopia showed that there were six times more older people in one region of Tigray than had been previously thought. The data had not been there before so the number of older people had been unknown. In Venezuela, age inclusion specialists supported humanitarian actors through adjusted food basket guidance to better meet nutritional needs. They use the data for the betterment of services. Unfortunately, there has been a double earthquake in Venezuela and many people are missing—the country is dealing with some incredible problems. A 2025 systematic review found that the barriers to age-inclusive healthcare include inaccessible health services, shortage of medication and equipment, limited geriatric expertise, age discrimination, low mobility and dependence on others—more often than not, elderly people do depend on others. Funding reform is desperately needed. A 2025 analysis by HelpAge found that older people are rarely named in humanitarian funding databases. How can we deliver enough aid, medication, food and support to elderly people if we do not know how many there are? In funding databases, only 6.5% of descriptions and 0.1% of project titles mention older people. I must raise the question—you would expect me to, Mr Betts, because I always do—of freedom of religion or belief. It is intrinsic to this debate in ways that are not always acknowledged. In many conflict zones, such as in Myanmar, Nigeria, Syria and Ethiopia, older people are targeted not merely because they are in the wrong place at the wrong time, but because they are the custodians of their communities’ faith and culture. The hon. Member for York Central (Rachael Maskell) and I share this concern, and I look forward to her contribution. As custodians, older people hold the memory of worship, tradition and identity. They are the heartbeat of the congregation and the lifeblood of the community, and they are targeted because of that. They are driven from their homes because of their faith and denied the right to practice a faith that has sustained them across a lifetime. That is not simply a humanitarian failure; it is a moral outrage. Does the Minister agree that the protection of older people in conflict zones must explicitly include the protection of their right to freedom of religion or belief? I know the Minister’s answer to that, but perhaps we could have it on the record in Hansard . I do not want to be churlish about the progress that has been made in international humanitarian law. There are frameworks and conventions, as well as the “Sphere Handbook” and the Inter-Agency Standing Committee’s work on inclusion, but let me be direct in a respectful way. The gap between the frameworks that exist on paper and the reality experienced by an 80-year-old woman sheltering in a basement in Kharkiv or a 75-year-old pastor driven from his church in Kaduna state in Nigeria is vast and unconscionable. I have a number of questions for the Minister—seven, to be precise. We need to make humanitarian aid age-inclusive by default. Will the Minister commit to requiring UK-funded programmes to explicitly and systemically identify and reach older people, including those living alone, those with disabilities and chronic illness, and those unable to travel to distribution points? To protect older people’s health, care and wellbeing, will the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office prioritise continuity of medication, accessible health services, assistive devices, safe evacuation, accessible shelters, home-based care, if possible, and mental health support in active conflicts? Will the Government support universal social pensions, inclusive cash assistance and shock-responsive systems that enable older people to meet their own priorities with dignity? That will ensure age-inclusive access to cash and social protection. Will the Department include older women in protection and its responses? Pre-existing patterns of discrimination are exacerbated during conflict, and extreme levels of violence against women and girls are a recurring theme. Older women are particularly at risk due to their age, gender, disability, caring responsibilities, widowhood or financial dependence. The UK international strategic framework on women and girls fails to consider how older women are affected, but there must be a focus on older women in particular. Will the Government ensure that its implementation includes explicit reference to older women’s humanitarian protection and safeguarding, and programmes to tackle gender-based violence through a life course approach? Russian army personnel have carried out horrendous sexual attacks on girls as young as eight and women as old as 80. We need to protect women of all ages. We must count older people properly. Will the Minister require age, sex and disability to be included in disaggregated data, including specific age cohorts over 60? The age of 60 is where it seems to stop. If someone is over 60, we do not know about them for the purposes of all humanitarian assistance that the UK Government provide or support. We must recognise older people as rights holders. Will the UK support the creation of a UN convention on the rights of older persons to recognise the agency and contributions of older people and to facilitate their participation in humanitarian planning, peace building and monitoring, and local decision making? Last, there must be engagement with devolved Administrations. Will the Minister engage directly with the relevant Ministers in the devolved Administrations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, where we have hard-won knowledge of what conflict does to older people across generations, so that the lived experience of communities like mine can inform and enrich our international humanitarian policy? I opened my speech with Margaret, so I will close it with Margaret. She once told me something that I cannot forget—that the worst thing about conflict is not the noise of it but the silence that comes after, when the world moves on and forgets that you are still carrying all that pain, memory and trauma. The older people of Ukraine, Sudan, Lebanon, the Sahel and every conflict zone across the world are still carrying that. The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland—these great four nations together as one—has both the capacity and the moral duty to ensure that they are not forgotten. I commend this debate to the House. I thank Members for turning up, and I look forward to their contributions, particularly those of the shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Fylde (Mr Snowden), and the Minister. I look forward to engagement with the Minister and to ensuring that older people in conflict are not forgotten about. There are ways of doing it better; let us start now.

• 9 Jul 2026 · Conflicts: Impact on Older People · Hansard source

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  I thank everyone for their contributions. I thank my hon. Friend—she is my friend—the Member for York Central (Rachael Maskell) for her contribution and the work she does on the APPG for ageing and older people. She does a lot—only in these debates do we realise just how much she does—so I thank her for that. She referred to how conflict shortens lives. She also referred to frailty, gender-based violence and the complex needs that people have. Older people are the ones who usually lose out in conflict. She referred to resilience, food, care and support and also to the sexual violence in Ukraine, and indeed across the world. She mentioned how better distribution of international aid is vital. I thank her for outlining very clearly the way forward and for all that she does. The hon. Member for Glasgow South (Gordon McKee) referred in an intervention to the need to have data to focus on the issue so that we can know just how many people are suffering. I thank the hon. Member for Horsham (John Milne) for his contribution. We do need to look at international aid; the question of where that money comes from cannot be ignored. He referred to how older people suffer more in a humanitarian crisis, and challenged the Government to address the issue of international aid. He also referred to how women and girls suffer disproportionately in many of these crises. Data is needed. The shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Fylde (Mr Snowden), made an incredible contribution, as he always does. He reminded us of Armenia. Sometimes we forget about places in the world and it is good to remember because it keeps our minds focused on the subject of this debate. Older people were murdered because they were still there, and because they were surplus to the enemy’s requirements. He also referred to the executions in Myanmar; we need to remember that as well. Across the world, in many places, those over 60 are tortured and then murdered. He also mentioned the pension issue in Poland for people from Ukraine. To be fair to the Minister, he gave a decent response in relation to it. The shadow Minister also referred to displaced people in Sudan and Syria who cannot access healthcare. I thank the Minister for his contribution, as always. I never doubted—I say this very respectfully and sincerely—that the Minister would respond to us and give us encouragement. I always give the Minister my points in advance. That is the way I do things, because I would rather have a decent response and not be attacking anybody. That is just me—that is the way I am. I thank him very much for responding on the pension issue and giving us some encouragement around how that will work. The Minister also referred to not forgetting about any victims, which is really important, and to making sure that we get the data and the willingness to succeed. I noted some of his phrases. He referred to the lack of data and how the Government are responding to ensure that they can collect such data better. He also noted how older people are adversely affected in conflict and the focus on medical aid, and on retention of support for disabilities and trauma. It worries me greatly when I hear that enemies, strong men—they are monsters—use their strength to abuse women and girls. The Minister has grasped that. The Minister also referred to peacebuilding and revitalisation in Northern Ireland—I know he is acknowledging Northern Ireland; that is not lost on me—and that was primarily driven by women. Very often that is the case. Their persuasion of men, although not always to the fore, is recognised very much by the Minister. I thank him for all his answers to the questions, his commitment and the commitment of the special envoy, the hon. Member for North Northumberland (David Smith), who does a grand job. I thank you, Mr Betts, for your chairship. I thank the civil servants who organised the debate, and the Department civil servants, who keep the Minister right—well done to them. I thank everyone for their contributions. They are much appreciated. Today we start something, and look to help those older people who are often forgotten, though today in this Chamber they were not. Question put and agreed to. Resolved, That this House has considered the humanitarian impact of conflicts on older people.

• 9 Jul 2026 · Conflicts: Impact on Older People · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered the humanitarian impact of conflicts on older people. It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Betts; thank you for chairing this debate for us. I have been asking for a debate on this subject for some time. The subject is close to my heart, and not merely as a matter of policy—it is a matter of conscience, human dignity and our shared responsibility for the most vulnerable in our world. I thank hon. Members for attending. It is always a pleasure to see the Minister in his place. He is always very jovial and friendly and tries to give the answers that we hope for. I want to start by referring to a constituent named Margaret. She is 83 years old and lives in the Ards peninsula, where I live in my constituency of Strangford. She still keeps a photograph on her mantelpiece of the street where she grew up, which was not in the Ards peninsula. It was in Belfast on a street that no longer exists because it was destroyed—a casualty of the troubles that we had in Northern Ireland. Margaret speaks about the cold, the fear, and the long, painful shadow of conflict. She speaks from experience because it is her story. As an 83-year-old, she can remember it very well. Across Northern Ireland are thousands upon thousands of older people who carry with them a lived memory of trauma. My family lives with the trauma of the death of my cousin Kenneth; my aunt, uncle and family were never the same. Across Northern Ireland, many thousands of families are affected by the troubles. As the title of the debate states, this is about the impact of conflicts on older people. I will refer to conflicts across the world, but the Northern Ireland one is the one that we can draw experience from and illustrate. That experience, alongside my role in addressing health policy for the Democratic Unionist Party, means I understand viscerally what conflict does to older people—maybe because I am older now myself. I am more conscious of those who are just ahead of me, which makes me very aware of their vulnerability. I think of my mother who is 94—95 next Tuesday, if God spares her. Again, I think of older people and what they have lived through. A wound does not simply wound the body, although it does that profoundly and permanently. It fractures community and destroys the very networks of care and support on which older people depend. It strips away the intrinsic dignity that every human being deserves, regardless of age, faith and nationality. My own community of the veterans of the Ulster Defence Regiment, the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the Prison Service and their families fully understand the lasting impact of trauma. Apologies—I should have thanked the Backbench Business Committee at the beginning for allowing this debate. The global picture is incredibly worrying. The scale of the crisis is mammoth. The United Nations estimates that approximately 200 million people aged 60 and over are living in fragile or conflict-affected settings. Let us take a few moments to let that number sink in: 200 million older people are living in fear, without adequate healthcare and shelter, and too often without any recognition that their needs are specific, urgent and distinct from those of younger people in the same crisis zone. I wanted this debate because I have felt for some time that we look at the wars and see the young people, the deaths and the lack of education and healthcare. But in the middle of that are people of an older generation with incredible problems. We see that with devastating clarity in Ukraine. Whenever I read the stories about Ukraine, they move me significantly. Who is left in the villages that are destroyed? Who is left among the ruins? Usually it is the older people, living in the basements. I want to focus on them for a few moments. I have stood consistently with the Ukrainian people in their hour of need, as has the House, the Minister and every hon. Member. Ukraine has the highest proportion of older people affected by conflict anywhere in the world; one in four Ukrainians is aged over 60. In eastern and southern Ukraine, near the frontline, the situation is even more acute: one in three people who need assistance is over 60 years of age. The families fled, of course, to get away from the violence, the attacks and the Russian aggression. Only 5.4% of the Ukrainian refugees who arrived in Europe were over 65 because elderly people have been left behind, either due to their choosing to remain in their homes because it is the only place they have, usually with their pets—their cats or dogs—or because of severe health conditions that make fleeing conflict zones more difficult, even though the Ukrainians always try to give such people the choice to leave. The situation has left older people facing acute challenges. Shockingly, around 50% of documented civilian deaths in Ukraine have been of people older than 60 years of age. They have faced severe disruptions to their support systems as family members, friends or carers have left. Some 90% of older people in Ukraine are unable to pay for even their basic medical needs to be met. They are probably in the conflict zones and often their medications, or the medical help that they need, cannot get to them. Some 43% of older people in Ukraine have at least one disability. I know, from my position as health spokesperson for my party, that when someone gets to a certain age, they do not just have one thing wrong with them but half a dozen things. Complex needs are incredibly common among many elderly people. That makes evacuations and displacement even more challenging. There are barriers of mobility, digital exclusion and bureaucratic complexity that become insurmountable for an 80-year-old person who has lost just about everything they ever had, including their family. I speak as one who has spent considerable time examining the collapse of health systems under the pressure of conflict. I want to underline this point with some force: older people have healthcare needs that are complex, chronic and ongoing. They need orthopaedic care. Many old people will struggle to get about at all; being in a warzone, under attack, makes that even more difficult. They also need cardiac monitoring and management of long-term conditions, such as diabetes—I am a recipient of management for that—and respiratory disease, hypertension and dementia. Those are not luxuries; they are the basic requirements of survival. When a conflict destroys a hospital, a medical centre or a GP surgery; when it displaces a medical team; or when it cuts off a supply chain of medicines, it is the older people who suffer first and most. Long-term conditions are worsened by food insecurity, income insecurity, and the pressures of displacement and living in conflict situations. There are no shops and only the smallest means of cooking—it may be only a wee Calor gas thing, or even only a wood fire. The waiting lists that I have seen grow to crisis point here in Northern Ireland even in peacetime are as nothing compared with what older people face when the infrastructure of healthcare is obliterated by war. Let us look at some of the harrowing theatres of war across the world. In Lebanon, older people face compounding risks from the escalation of hostilities, rising displacement, economic collapse and pressure on a weakened health system. A 2025 HelpAge assessment of 670 older women and men across five regions of Lebanon found that they were frequently excluded from assistance and recovery planning because they are at an age, they are probably still in the danger zones and little or no effort is made to help them. Some 61% received no humanitarian aid after the conflict and 39% reported being completely left out of the response, even during active hostilities. Only 12% of those who received aid said that it met their needs. Many have been unwilling or unable to leave their homes despite evacuation orders, while those who have fled found shelters that were poorly equipped for mobility, care and dignity, all three of which are so important. Lebanon illustrates a wider failure. Aid might be provided, but if it is not designed around older people’s access needs, including their outreach, transport support, continuity of medication, assistive devices, home-based care and mental health support, it will not reach those most at risk. Who is at the back of the queue? It is the elderly. Sudan is the second place that I will focus on. Today in business questions, Sudan was asked about; there was also a question about South Sudan in the questions about NATO, which the Secretary of State for Defence replied to earlier. I secured a Westminster Hall debate on Sudan—four weeks ago today, I think—in which I highlighted the issues in the country. What is happening there is absolutely tragic. Since fighting erupted in April 2023, Sudan has seen repeated waves of displacement. Over 20 million people need health assistance and around 1 million of them are older people. Civilians face worsening conflict in the Kordofan region and risk escalating violence, confinement and starvation. UN figures provide an evidential base, showing that older men and women each make up about 4% of the population living in displacement camps, while around 3% live in refugee camps in neighbouring countries. Older people remain one of the least supported groups in Sudan. Human rights monitors report that they are often left out of aid programmes, especially in remote areas. It is a massive task to get aid to remote areas; I understand that. But some consideration must be given to it. At the end of my speech, I will set out some ideas, which I hope the Minister will give me some encouragement about. Due to limited mobility, many older people struggle to flee explosions or attacks. I am 71. I cannot run a marathon any more; I could probably walk it, but I could not run it. Older people who are on mobility aids cannot walk or run at any speed whatever, so they cannot get away from the destruction coming their way. Older people also face high rates of depression and post-traumatic stress. As we get older—maybe you and I both recognise this particular trait, Mr Betts—things may worry us more than they did when we were younger. I say that in jest, but the fact is that older people sometimes dwell on things longer than they should.

• 9 Jul 2026 · Conflicts: Impact on Older People · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for his response so far. I mentioned those of an older generation who are the custodians of the community’s faith and culture. They are the ones who hold the memory of worship, tradition and identity; they are the heartbeat of the congregation and the lifeblood of the community. Can the Minister give us some reassurance in relation to those older women and men who are targeted because of their religious belief—some of them sexually as well? Will the Government help them to retain and protect their religious beliefs?

• 9 Jul 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  Will the Leader of the House ask the Foreign Secretary what recent assessment she has made of the case of Uyghur Muslim Rahile Dawut, a folklorist and academic imprisoned in China solely for her faith and cultural identity, and what steps His Majesty’s Government have taken to secure her immediate release and to uphold freedom of religion or belief across the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland’s foreign policy commitments?

• 8 Jul 2026 · European Entry and Exit System · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister very much for his positivity in his answers—he always tries to calm us when it comes to these questions, fairly successfully. While the Home Office scrambles to prevent chaos at English ports, what specific, targeted measures is the Minister putting in place at our Northern Ireland seaports—such as Belfast and Larne—and at our airports, to stop this EES loophole turning Northern Ireland into a magnet for illegal, untracked transit into the rest of the United Kingdom?

• 8 Jul 2026 · Seasonal Scampi Fishers · Hansard source

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  Owing to the severe financial impact of the restricted skilled worker visas, family-owned trawlers in Portavogie, Ardglass and Kilkeel face a perfect storm, alongside fuel costs and the newly imposed Isle of Man transit barriers. The Minister knows about the issue—both the hon. Member for Scarborough and Whitby (Alison Hume) and I have met the Immigration Minister, the hon. Member for Dover and Deal (Mike Tapp)—and there is a proposal that could be acceptable. Will the Minister add his support to it, to ensure that the historic fleet in Portavogie, Ardglass and Kilkeel is permanently able to fish the seas around the coast of Northern Ireland, and to ensure that our fishing sector has a secure future?

• 8 Jul 2026 · Greenhouse Gas Removals Sector · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Member for securing the debate. I spoke to him today about this subject and I congratulate him on highlighting environmental issues. Does he agree that we must ensure that all areas of the United Kingdom, including Northern Ireland, receive a fair share of investment? Does he also agree that the Government must ensure that the GGR strategy supports our rural communities, utilising natural land-based solutions rather than just financing large industrial projects elsewhere? Above all, we must protect local jobs and ensure that common sense always prevails.

• 8 Jul 2026 · National Youth Strategy · Hansard source

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  Those opportunities allow many young people to enjoy camping—unlike the hon. Member for Twickenham (Munira Wilson), who is not really a camper. Those who get the thrill of camping for the first time will always want to do it. My oldest boy did it, and now he goes camping every summer with his wife and the children. That is just an example of people acquiring something that lasts.

• 8 Jul 2026 · National Youth Strategy · Hansard source

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  It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship for the third time today, Ms McVey; I think we are getting to know each other quite well. I thank you for your courtesy and guidance. I also congratulate the hon. Member for Huddersfield (Harpreet Uppal) on securing this debate. I spoke to her beforehand. When I saw the title of the debate, I said, “I’m definitely going to Westminster Hall.” People will say, “You’ll be in Westminster Hall anyway.” But I came racing down for this debate—I love this debate—and I am going to explain why. It is nice to see the Minister in her place again. She gets all the good debates, and today she has a really super one. I look forward to her contribution. This year is the 70th anniversary of the Duke of Edinburgh’s award, and a new national youth strategy will be in place. This is an opportunity to reshape what will be offered to the next generation to ensure that every child, regardless of their background, postcode or circumstances, is given the tools to become world-ready. I wanted to come and speak in this debate because my three boys, Jamie, Ian and Luke, got the Duke of Edinburgh’s award. When they were young men, Jamie got the gold and the other two boys got the bronze. I watched them march off with their impossibly heavy rucksacks into the damp, unpredictable weather, maps in hand, full of nervous energy. I watched them return tired, covered in mud, but standing just a little bit taller. I believe it taught them resilience—the hon. Member for Huddersfield outlined that incredibly well in her contribution—and it taught them how to look at a challenge, look at their peers and say, “This is something that we have to do together.” It is not just about a single person; it is about doing it together. That is what the Duke of Edinburgh’s award instils. As a father, I owe a great debt of gratitude to the legacy of the late Prince Philip, and to the ongoing devotion of the current Duke of Edinburgh, Prince Edward. Through the Duke of Edinburgh’s award, my boys made friends for life. Every year, Northern Ireland produces some of the highest completion rates anywhere in the United Kingdom for gold, silver and bronze. Our schools, our uniformed organisations, such as the Boys’ Brigade and the Girl Guides, local youth clubs and even farmers clubs have been the engines driving this success. The charity’s 70th anniversary goal is to reach 2 million more young people over the next five years—what a goal that is, and it is achievable. In Northern Ireland, young people are unfortunately dealing with a mental health crisis. It is deeply concerning. We are dealing with pockets of severe deprivation where a child might never otherwise, without the award, get the chance to see the beauty of the Mourne mountains, let alone hike across them. The Duke of Edinburgh’s award is the framework that catches young people when formal education is not enough, building their focus, memory and social awareness. It does all those things, and brings them together for us, ensuring that no child is left behind in my constituency of Strangford and across Northern Ireland, including in the inner-city estates of Belfast and the border regions. Let us use this 70th anniversary not just to celebrate the past, but to build a robust, unbreakable foundation for the future of our youth. My three boys did the Duke of Edinburgh’s award; they did well, and the award did that for them.

• 8 Jul 2026 · Draft UK-EU Agreement on Gibraltar · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for his comprehensive response. I asked him about officials from Spain being at border control posts alongside officials from Gibraltar to oversee that work, and about the impact and influence that they may have. Can he confirm that that will be the case? What influence will the Spanish officials have? Will they oversee or counteract Gibraltar border control and customs officials?

• 8 Jul 2026 · Draft UK-EU Agreement on Gibraltar · Hansard source

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  It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Sir John. I thank the hon. Member for Brigg and Immingham (Martin Vickers) for securing this incredibly timely and crucial debate. It is nice to see some representatives of Gibraltar in the Public Gallery, as well as one of our old friends from this House. It is good to see the Minister in his place, and I wish him well in his job. He always gives us encouragement, and he will no doubt do the same today. When the Minister stood up in the main Chamber back in February to outline the massive 1,000-page document, I was reminded of a wise old saying that my dear mother used to repeat when I was a wee lad with black, curly hair—I had hair at one time, believe it or not. That saying was, “Once bitten, twice shy.” The hair is long gone, but the wisdom of that saying firmly remains. My mother is 94 years of age and next Tuesday, 14 July, she will be 95 if God spares her until that time. The people of Northern Ireland have been bitten hard, which is why “once bitten, twice shy” comes to mind. I should have said that it is a real pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Leeds South West and Morley (Mark Sewards). We might be on different sides of the Chamber, but it is remarkable how much he and I agree on. If there was a party somewhere between Labour and Conservative, I think we might find ourselves in it, or maybe we will just be in both—well, he cannot be, but that is by the way. As I said, the people of Northern Ireland have been bitten hard. We have seen what happens when the United Kingdom signs a treaty with the European Union in good faith, only to find ourselves a slave to foreign diktats, with our internal trade disrupted, our state aid hampered and our constitutional place in this great Union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland chipped away. I have been to Gibraltar only once in my life, and that was with the armed forces parliamentary scheme. I remember that Gibraltar drips Britishness, and I mean that constructively and positively. We were encouraged to meet the Royal Gibraltar Regiment and to know that we are a part of them. There is a bit of England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland in Gibraltar. It is all there, and Gibraltar is very close to our hearts. When I look across the water at our loyal, steadfast fellow Brits on the Rock of Gibraltar, I do so with an eye of deep caution. I will make my point constructively and respectfully to the Minister. He knows I am very fond of him; in fact, we all are. In the past, he has reassured us that the agreement will bring “fluid” borders. He told us that it will boost the economy, eliminate long queues and align import duties so that ordinary people can do their daily shopping without a mountain of paperwork. I do not doubt the good intentions of the Government and of the Minister in particular. The Chief Minister of Gibraltar and his Parliament have worked tirelessly, and they have even asked for a referendum on the final text to let the people have their democratic say. I praise them for that, and I thank them for all they have constructively done to try to find a way forward that protects them. We want to protect them as well. We must look at the fine print of these 1,000 pages. The treaty proposes a hybrid governance model. It pulls Gibraltar into the Schengen area and places it under significant levels of EU law. We are talking about dual border control checks at Gibraltar airport, involving not just Gibraltarian officials but Spanish officials having their way on British territory, which concerns me. What real safeguards do we have? If the European Court of Justice is given the final say on the interpretation of these laws, as I understand it will, how can we truly look the people of Gibraltar in the eye and say that their British sovereignty is uncompromised? That is the question. We cannot allow Spain to use the European Union’s legal machinery to slowly strangle the Rock’s independence and British identity, just as the Northern Ireland protocol attempted to separate my Strangford constituency and Northern Ireland from the rest of Great Britain. The people of Gibraltar are fiercely, proudly and unapologetically British. Over the years, they rejected joint sovereignty by almost 99% in two separate referendums. That is the sort of election result we all need, and what encouragement it would be if it were to happen. They fly the Union Jack with a pride that matches any town or village in my constituency. I put up my Union flag over the weekend, as it is a special occasion with 12 July coming up—we always have it in place at this time of year. Gibraltarians have stood by the United Kingdom through thick and thin. Their strategic military base remains a vital asset for NATO and the defence of the realm. The Rock, by its nature, conveys strength. When I was there with the armed forces parliamentary scheme we had the opportunity to go through some of the tunnels in the rock, and I can understand why it is a bastion of military strength. While the treaty moves towards formal signature and parliamentary ratification under the CRaG process, I urge the Government not to rush this. Examine the treaty line by line and listen to the community’s concerns. I am a man of Scripture, as I know you and many others in the House are, Sir John. Psalm 62 says: “He only is my rock and my salvation, my fortress; I shall not be…shaken.” The Rock of Gibraltar is that very place; it stands firm and will not be shaken. We must stand steadfast and ensure that the United Kingdom’s sovereignty over Gibraltar is not just a symbolic phrase written on a piece of paper to save face, but a practical, iron-clad reality on the ground. Let us not make the same mistake twice; let us protect the Rock, its people and our great United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

• 8 Jul 2026 · Government Support for Bus Services: West Dorset · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Gentleman for securing this debate. As he is well aware, West Dorset is similar to my constituency, with market towns and many townlands rather than towns, and the profitability of public transport can be questionable. However, does he agree that the bottom line is not the ledger, but connectivity and the end of rural isolation in an affordable fashion? Does he agree that we are not getting the balance right for our rural constituencies, which are the backbone of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland?

• 8 Jul 2026 · Defibrillators in Police Vehicles · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Gentleman for securing this debate. By equipping every police vehicle with a device, such as the CU Medical iPAD SP1 or the Defibtech Lifeline AUTO, we will expand our chain of survival on the roads. Our police officers are trained in cardiopulmonary resuscitation. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that we must give them the physical tools to ensure that when a father, mother or child collapses on our streets, they have the best possible fighting chance of returning home to their loved ones—the very thing he is trying to achieve?

• 8 Jul 2026 · Societal Impact of AI: Government Policy · Hansard source

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  The hon. Gentleman is focusing on employment and big tech companies; does he agree that we need to go a step back—back to school, teachers and training? Teachers need to prepare their pupils for the future with AI, and for what that means. Does the hon. Gentleman feel that that is something not for this Minister but perhaps for a Minister in another Department?

• 8 Jul 2026 · Societal Impact of AI: Government Policy · Hansard source

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  I congratulate the hon. Gentleman on securing the debate. I spoke to him beforehand; he knows where I am coming from. My concern is for the young people of today looking for the jobs of tomorrow. My grandchildren will have to prepare themselves. We must try to equip young people. In the last few days the Belfast Telegraph reported that this may be the first time in a century that young people have lower scores in tests for memory, focus and reading than their parents. Is it not time for the Government to acknowledge the challenges and ensure that there are employment prospects for young people? If the hon. Gentleman’s objective is that, it is the right way to go.

• 7 Jul 2026 · Carlisle-Settle Railway: 150th Anniversary · Hansard source

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  Some of the navvies who helped to build that railway would have come from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. I congratulate the hon. Lady on her assiduous commitment to her constituents: she is making a good name for herself in this House. Well done to her; I wish her well. Will the hon. Lady join me in urging the Government to ensure that the Department for Transport actively applies the invaluable infrastructure and community-led preservation lessons learned from the Settle and Carlisle Railway Trust to protect our vital regional connectivity and heritage lines across all the nations of the United Kingdom, including the heritage links in Northern Ireland?

• 7 Jul 2026 · Human Rights in Kashmir · Hansard source

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  It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mrs Harris. I thank the hon. Member for Bradford East (Imran Hussain) for setting the scene, and I commend him for his words of wisdom and his directions for finding a peaceful way forward. I have supported him every time he has had this debate over the years, and I am happy to be doing the same again. I declare an interest as chair of the APPGs for international freedom of religion or belief and for Pakistani minorities, so this issue is close to my heart, and the hon. Member made the case incredibly well. I am grateful to have the opportunity to speak on this matter. I commend all hon. Members who have consistently brought the plight of the Kashmiri people before the House. I have spoken on this matter before and make no apology for returning to it. The situation in Kashmir is not a distant abstraction; it is a lived reality for millions of human beings—people with families, faith and hopes for their children. This United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland has both a historical connection to that region and a moral obligation to speak truth to power. I look forward to the Minister’s answer—she is much liked and respected by all of us in the House. Kashmir, divided, disputed and suffering, represents one of the most protracted human rights crises of our age. Whether we speak of India-administered Kashmir or Pakistan-administered Kashmir, the reality for ordinary men, women and children on the ground is one of fear, repression and silenced voices. Amnesty International has documented with harrowing clarity the realities of life in Kashmir: arbitrary detention, torture, restrictions on freedom of assembly, the suffocation of civil society, and many killings and injuries. These are not abstractions; they are human beings deserving of dignity, justice and freedom. In any debate, I try to think of the words of Micah 6:8 in the Holy Bible: “And what does the Lord require of you But to do justice, and to love kindness, And to walk humbly”. That is the reason I am here: to obey that Holy Scripture and speak up for my brothers and sisters across the world, wherever their human rights are being suppressed and wherever they are being persecuted. That is the standard of this House, and we must hold ourselves to it when we speak of Kashmir. I have been on delegations to Pakistan in the past, and I am due to return, if God spares me, because I feel so strongly about the human rights of the people of that part of the world. I have sat with community leaders, religious minorities, and mothers and fathers who simply want safety and freedom for their children. Freedom of religion or belief—that intrinsic, God-given right—is denied across the Kashmir region. Muslim, Hindu, Sikh and Christian communities have all experienced the fragile nature of life when the state does not protect fundamental rights as it should. The situation in India-administered Kashmir since the revocation of article 370 in 2019 has illustrated the dangers of unchecked Executive power: communications blackouts, thousands detained and journalists criminalised. In Pakistan-administered Kashmir, democratic accountability remains a transformative aspiration rather than a lived reality. Can we honestly say in this House that we are doing all in our power to stand against that? This debate is a chance for us to show our united resolve to speak up for our brothers and sisters in Kashmir. You told us earlier to be conscious of time, Mrs Harris, so I conclude with this: we must use every diplomatic channel—bilateral, multilateral and through the United Nations—to press both India and Pakistan to uphold their international human rights obligations. I look to the Minister to ascertain how we can seek to play our part in ensuring that the people of Kashmir are not disenfranchised from justice for geopolitical convenience. The heartbeat of this Government’s foreign policy must be not only simple human rights but simple humanity. It is with that simple humanity that I speak.

• 7 Jul 2026 · Independent Schools: Regulation of Proprietors · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Lady on securing this debate. She has brought to the attention of the House and the Minister to something that is incredibly important: the takeover of any school with little or no discussions with the staff, the principal, or the board of governors, little or no contact with the parents, and certainly no talk or discussions with those who have input into the school. Does she share my concern—I believe that she will—that when influences from outside this country have bought a school, through whatever the allegedly nefarious process may be, the only way in which that can be stopped is for the Government and our Minister to bring in legislation that ensures that it cannot happen over the heads of local people at a school of historical importance?