Jim Shannon MP: speeches

Speeches

• 23 Mar 2026 · Tobacco and Vapes Bill · Hansard source

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  Well done, Minister—it has been a joy to see the hon. Lady’s elevation to the position she now holds, and I wish her well. Is she aware that Lord Dodds, a DUP Member of the other House, continued to push for changes to age verification in the Bill, and that my party’s primary motivation for the amendments was retailer protection? Without strict parliamentary scrutiny of age verification rules, small businesses will face disproportionate burdens compared with large supermarkets, and the moving age restriction, which rises by one year every year, makes manual verification increasingly difficult for shopkeepers over time. Has the Minister had the opportunity to address that issue, as it concerns many people?

• 23 Mar 2026 · Tobacco and Vapes Bill · Hansard source

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  rose —

• 23 Mar 2026 · Court and Tribunal Transcripts · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Gentleman for introducing the debate; he is absolutely right to underline these issues. He has given a number of examples of where the process has fallen down because evidence could not get to the victim—I always focus on victims, as I know he does. Is he aware of any cases or examples where, because of not being able to get the evidence, and the victim not being able to ascertain all the necessary information, cases have fallen and justice has not been delivered?

• 23 Mar 2026 · Court and Tribunal Transcripts · Hansard source

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  Will the hon. Member give way?

• 23 Mar 2026 · Independent Review of Public Order and Hate Crime Legislation · Hansard source

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  I led a deputation to Kurdistan about five weeks ago, and was impressed by what the Government were doing there in relation to public order and hate crime legislation. There are many things in Kurdistan that we in the United Kingdom could take on board and have as our core values. It may be outside the remit of the Minister, but if they do something good somewhere else, I think we should look at it here, so will she do that for me?

• 19 Mar 2026 · International Development · Hansard source

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  The Secretary of State has been given a challenging statement today about issues that we all consider. I very much welcome the prioritisation of women and girls in conflict zones; that is essential. Does the Secretary of State agree that we also need to ensure funding to stop the radicalisation of young men? Training young men to work and find a fulfilling role is worth the investment to halt the breeding grounds of anger and despair, and to bring hope. Does the Secretary of State agree that we all have a responsibility in this regard? What will she do to help those young men by stopping them being radicalised and turning to violence and, instead, giving them hope?

• 19 Mar 2026 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  The Christian community in Pakistan continued to face grave injustices and targeted violence throughout February 2026. Families were displaced, livelihoods destroyed, and many continue to live in fear for their safety and freedom. These ongoing persecutions underscore the urgent need for both national and international attention to safeguard fundamental human rights and ensure justice for victims. Will the Leader of the House ask the Foreign Secretary to set out what representations the Government have made to the Government of Pakistan regarding these ongoing injustices? What steps have been taken to raise concerns about freedom of religion or belief in Pakistan?

• 19 Mar 2026 · Publicly Owned Markets: Food Security · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for her response to the hon. Member for Hackney South and Shoreditch (Dame Meg Hillier), who always brings forward interesting matters for this House to consider. I always underline the importance of farming, fishing and food in Northern Ireland, and would not want a change to the public ownership of markets in Northern Ireland to impact us in any way. May I, very respectfully and genuinely, ask the Minister whether she has had an opportunity to discuss these matters with the relevant Minister in Northern Ireland, to ensure that nothing similar to what the hon. Lady says may happen in London, happens to us?

• 19 Mar 2026 · Northern Ireland: Legacy of the Past · Hansard source

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  Eight minutes of brevity, Dame Siobhain. I will try and squeeze it into eight minutes, but it will be difficult. I am very pleased to be here. I thank the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee, and particularly the Chair, the hon. Member for Gower (Tonia Antoniazzi), for her hard work on this topic, which is a complex issue with numerous concerns. I understand that it is impossible to please everyone, but we must always please the tenets of truth and justice. I do not believe that this has been achieved. I say that with great respect to the Committee and the Secretary of State. The hon. Member for South Antrim (Robin Swann) has just reminded us of the murder of the two corporals. I remember where I was: it was Saturday, I was sitting watching the TV, and it felt like a film, but the brutality and violence of the despicable murder of those two soldiers was happening in real life. My party has deep concerns that the Government have chosen to press ahead with their intent to restore provision for inquests without a fundamental appraisal of how the coronial system in Northern Ireland approaches troubles-related cases, specifically the actions of the security forces. One need only to look at the disgraceful coroner’s report on the Clonoe inquest, where the coroner exceeded his remit by questioning the honest belief of ex-SAS soldiers during the 1992 ambush, where four IRA members were killed after attacking Coalisland Royal Ulster Constabulary station. That disgracefully politically motivated overreach of the coroner merely confirmed the view that those inquests are not designed to meet the obligations of truth and justice, but can ignore the actions of the terrorists and make victim-makers into victims. The Government have taken no steps to rectify the system that allowed the Clonoe inquiry to report as it did, and therefore the right-thinking people of Northern Ireland—those who lived through the troubles: my generation and my parents’ generation—have no faith in the system, which they believe exists as a sop to terrorism, aiming to rewrite the evils we lived through as though they were understandable and excusable. Ask those burnt at La Mon, whose scars receive medical attention to this day, if they understand or excuse the bomb that murdered innocent people. If God spares me and I get home in time, I will be at the La Mon Hotel tonight, and it will be a reminder of what happened there. The balance in the focus of investigations towards members of the security forces is in itself a barrier to fairness. Inquest proceedings have often enabled legal representatives to use high-profile public hearings to aggressively examine witnesses, including ageing veterans, and to push spurious and unchallenged narratives of the troubles. The Democratic Unionist party does not agree that legal aid should be provided to the next of kin in an inquest —nor does it agree with the form of what Government have called “enhancing inquisitorial proceedings”, the bulk of which will focus on state involvement—but not to witnesses to those proceedings, or to those seeking answers and redress for their loved ones via legacy investigations. Many families bereaved through terrorism faced the ignominy of tick-box inquests, with little in the way of information provided and no state funded legal representation. That should not be compounded by sustaining a deep inequality in how inquests are dealt with going forward. Subsequently, we cannot and will not support this approach, which gives power and funding to those who wish to paint blood on to the hands of RUC and service personnel who were held to account at the time and since, and yet allow republicans to be painted in glowing colours of glory. That is unbearable, and we will not ask our people to bear it. Neither can we allow to go unchallenged the repeated refusal of the Irish Government to admit their collusion, and continuing to be a haven of safety for republican terrorists, who knew they could skip across the border and not a question would be asked, not a car would be searched, and not a murderer of babies and women would be held to account. I remember the murder of those two superintendents that the hon. Member for South Antrim referred to. Superintendents Breen and Buchanan were murdered by the IRA on the border. They had been at a meeting in the Republic of Ireland, when, coming back up north, the two of them were blown up at the border. This question has often been posed, and I pose it again today. The Garda Síochána had a mole who gave the information, the intelligence, to the IRA who then murdered those two guys at the border. The Republic of Ireland—forgive me for pointing the finger—has a case to answer in relation to those two men. They were murdered because they were RUC personnel, and yet the Garda Síochána never had an inquiry into the intelligence breakdown, or compassion for the families. I make that case. I also make a case for Daniel McCormick and Kenneth Smyth—people might know that Kenneth Smyth was my cousin—murdered in December ’71. I also think of Lexie Cummings, murdered in Strabane. The people who murdered him escaped across the border. Where did the people who murdered Winston Donnell, the first UDR man ever to be killed, go? Across the border. Why did they go to the border? Because they could get away with it. I want accountability, so let us make the Garda Síochána and the Republic of Ireland accountable in this process. We hear about collusion in the RUC and the armed forces, with spurious allegations put forward, and yet the truth that the dogs on the street know about the Garda Síochána and the Irish Government is their shelter of murderers, and that is left as just the way things are. Well, that is not for me, and not for anyone else. I remind the Westminster Hall Chamber that my family knows at first hand about that collusion, and we understand it. We know about the future of Unionists in the Republic of Ireland—it is a dark, cold and unforgiving place for Unionists. I hope they are listening down in the Republic of Ireland, because that is how my people see it. That is how my family felt, who left there to go north, because that was where they had a future. There was no future for my family, for my mum and dad, and those others from the Republic of Ireland who came north. That is why any form of Irish co-operation with any inquiries can only begin with sincere apologies. Let us get those apologies. Let the Republic of Ireland apologise to us for giving sanctuary, security and a haven to those murdering scum that they were. That is what I want to hear about. Any form of Irish co-operation with any inquiries can only begin when that happens, and when we get some information leading to the prosecution of murders. Until that day comes, there can be, and should be, no co-operation with those whose hands are as bloody as some, such as Gerry “I was never in the IRA, by the way” Adams—we know him, as he is the one. I said at the outset of my comments that we cannot satisfy everyone, but we must satisfy truth and justice. My mother was about truth and justice, always about what is right. This approach does neither, and merely further alienates the true victims of the troubles. That is why we ask any right-thinking Member of this House to refuse to allow legislation to pass that lets the murder of two unborn children in Omagh be painted as part of a glorious cause. It was not—it was evil and wicked. We stood for many years against that evil in Northern Ireland, so I stand against it today, together with others in this House. It cannot be permitted. I ask all Members present to join me and others in satisfying truth and justice, which is what it is always about. Eight minutes is almost done, so thank you, Dame Siobhain, for giving me the chance to speak for that wee bit longer.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Freedom of Religion or Belief in China · Hansard source

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  It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Jardine. I thank the hon. Member for St Helens South and Whiston (Ms Rimmer) for setting the scene incredibly well in this very important debate. Her unwavering commitment ensures that the persecution of religious minorities in China, an issue that too often risks being forgotten, remains a consistent and vital part of parliamentary discourse. I give credit to the Minister and the Government for their part in championing freedom of religion or belief as a fundamental human right. Each Thursday morning, at business questions to the Leader of the House, I ask a question about somewhere across the world where there is discrimination and where freedom of religion is found wanting. To be fair to the Leader of the House and the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, they always come back with a commitment within a week or 10 days. That is to be commended, and I thank the Minister and the Government for it. Our nation has long sought to stand at the forefront of global efforts to promote religious freedom. We recognise that faith is not merely a private conviction; it is a core pillar of identity, community, conscience and human dignity. Through my work as chair of the all-party parliamentary group for international freedom of religion or belief, I have learned how many of the freedoms that we take for granted are denied to millions around the world. Basic rights such as access to employment and the freedom to live in peace, practise one’s faith and hold one’s beliefs are routinely denied to Uyghur Muslims, Falun Gong practitioners, Christians and many other minority groups in China. It is therefore vital that our Government continue to hold partners, allies and counterparts accountable for the national and international commitments that they have made. For many of us, this is not the first time that we have discussed freedom of religion or belief in China. We are very aware of the injustices, persecution and systematic repression that many religious minorities continue to face, without respite or easement and without any sanction on the perpetrators. As the hon. Member for St Helens South and Whiston clearly outlined, more than a decade into President Xi Jinping’s rule, efforts to centralise control have resulted in heightened repression across the country, particularly in the years following the covid-19 pandemic. The Chinese constitution claims to guarantee freedom of religious belief, especially under article 36, which recognises five officially sanctioned religions. On the ground, however, the opposite happens: ultimately, the authority of the Chinese Communist party supersedes those constitutional protections. Police routinely arrest, detain and harass leaders and members of so-called illegal religious groups that refuse to join state-sanctioned religious bodies. Their peaceful gatherings are disrupted. Many face imprisonment simply for practising their faith independently. There is no independent civil society. The freedoms of expression, association, assembly and religion remain severely restricted. Human rights defenders and those who are perceived as critics of the Government face persecution. I will mention some of them. One of those individuals is the Chinese human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng, who is one of the APPG’s spotlight prisoners of conscience. He was first detained by the Chinese authorities in 2006. Prior to that, he was widely respected for taking on sensitive human rights cases, including defending religious minorities. Between 2006 and 2011, he was repeatedly disappeared and was subjected to severe beatings and torture. From 2011 to 2014, he served a prison sentence; he was released in August 2014. He was forcibly disappeared again from his home in Shanxi province on 13 August 2017. His disappearance is widely believed to be linked to his legal work defending human rights and religious minorities, particularly Christians and Falun Gong practitioners. His whereabouts remain unknown, but it is widely believed that he is being held in some form of detention. I ask that the Minister ask his officials to investigate where Gao Zhisheng is. Alongside him are Pastor Ezra Jin, Renagul Gheni, Pastor Huang Yizi and Dr Wang Bingzhang. Along with countless others, they have experienced similar stories of repression, arbitrary torture, detention and forced disappearance. Those stories must not be ignored. According to the 2024 Fund for Peace human rights and rule of law index, China ranks as the third worst country in the world for human rights. Out of approximately 175 countries, it is right up at the top in third place, chasing place No. 1. China and the Chinese Communist party want to do away with all human rights and all religious beliefs and control them in their entirety. That is deeply concerning and should not be overlooked in any of our diplomatic engagements with Chinese counterparts. I want to acknowledge the important work of the UK-based non-governmental organisations and advocacy groups whose research and reporting continues to shed light on human rights abuses in China. Without their work and dedication, much of what we know today would remain hidden. I recently had a conversation with a representative of the Chinese consulate in Northern Ireland. Boy, is that boy brainwashed! He was trying to tell me how things were in China, but he picked the wrong person that day. I gave him a wee bit of focus for his attention after he invited me to China. I said, “I’ll hardly be going, but I tell you what: whenever you stop persecuting the Christians, stop abusing the Falun Gong and stop massacring, killing and raping Uyghur Muslims, you and I will have a conversation.” I will also send him this speech, which will probably end up in his bin. He is the Chinese Communist party’s representative in Northern Ireland; I am watching him and he knows I am watching him. I hope he is watching us here on TV, by the way—just to let you know, I know where you are. I have made a list of the many communities in China who are not free to practise their beliefs. More than 1 million Uyghur Muslims and other Turkic Muslim minorities have been detained without charge in so-called re-education or internment camps. Protestant and Catholic Christians face harassment, detention, imprisonment, fines and the closure of churches. Falun Gong practitioners and other independent spiritual groups have been labelled as evil cults since 1999. Many have been arrested, imprisoned and tortured. Tragically, there have been numerous reports of deaths in custody. Tibetan Buddhists face severe restrictions on religious expression, including surveillance, detention and torture for peaceful religious activities. Smaller religious groups and independent spiritual leaders are frequently targeted under broad social order laws. Among those cases, we see a clear pattern. If you refuse to submit to state control and the Chinese Communist party, you are silenced—not you, Ms Jardine; I am referring to the generic “you”. We are given the opportunity to be a voice for the voiceless. We must ensure that those who are suffering persecution know that they are not forgotten. If the freedom of one religious community is taken away, we must send a message to the world that the freedoms of others can also be removed without consequence. Nothing is more important than human lives made vulnerable by our silence. In everything we do, we must remember the Uyghur Muslims, the thousands of Christians worshipping in underground churches, the Falun Gong practitioners and the many other minority communities who face constant pressure to conform to the ideology of the Chinese Communist party or risk separation from their families, forced labour or even death. For me as a Christian, and for the many others here who have the same faith, this is not only a political responsibility, but an expression of spiritual solidarity. The deliberate dismantling of families and communities is especially devastating. Church leaders are removed from their homes and imprisoned simply for professing their faith in Jesus Christ. Parents are separated from their children. Congregations are dismantled. Perhaps most troubling of all are the systematic restrictions placed on young people. Open Doors reports that those under the age of 18 are not permitted to attend even registered church services. Children are the future of any nation; we all know that. Preventing them from attending worship is not accidental. It is a deliberate attempt to shape the future by erasing faith from the next generation. I cannot imagine what it would be like to live in a society in which sharing my faith with my own children could result in punishment, surveillance or separation from them. Faith is not simply something that we say or do. It is a fundamental part of who we are. In moments of despair and difficult headlines, we all look to hope. For Christians, that hope is found in Jesus Christ, the one who proclaims freedom for the captives and light for those in darkness. I will draw to a close, ever mindful that the right hon. Member for Chingford and Woodford Green (Sir Iain Duncan Smith) will speak after me. I want to give him time to participate, because his words are important and we all look forward to hearing what he has to say. James 4:17 states: “Therefore, to him who knows to do good and does not do it, to him it is sin.” As Christians, we adhere to that promise and hope that others will do likewise. As parliamentarians, we have both the opportunity and the responsibility to do good. We know what good must be done; I think, to be fair, that the Minister and our Government also know what good must be done. May these words strengthen our resolve to stand with all those who suffer. May they encourage us to act with courage and conviction, even in the face of much adversity.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Fuel Duty · Hansard source

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  I congratulate the shadow Secretary of State and the Opposition on securing this debate. It is important that we consider this matter, as we are fast approaching a crisis that cannot be circumnavigated. Does the shadow Secretary of State agree that the Government must consider reopening North sea production to produce enough for our needs, if they continue to refuse to play their part in securing fuel elsewhere? Does he not agree that fuel duty would benefit from self-reliance, rather than dependence on volatile nations, as we have at this very moment?

• 18 Mar 2026 · Flooding: Rural Communities · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Lady; she is an assiduous MP and constituency worker, and we all recognise her efforts in this Chamber. Does she agree that the smaller numbers of people living in rural areas can sometimes skew the cost-benefit analysis? The Department must take each request based not on how many people live in an area and are affected, but on the bigger schemes to help the householders. I gently say that it should also enable farmland to carry out agricultural purposes that are essential for food security for this great United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Cheadle Train Station · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Gentleman for securing the debate. Like him, we lost our train station many moons ago—back at a time when I had hair, which was a long time ago. We have watched the decline of public transport, and if we get rid of stations, it means a slow decline, and can easily end up with the removal of lines. While the profit margin is, and should be, a material consideration, does the hon. Gentleman agree that the obligation to provide a service is equally important?

• 18 Mar 2026 · Domestic Abuse Survivors: Government Support · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Gentleman on securing this debate; he was absolutely right to do so. I am also very happy to see the Minister in her place and I look forward to hearing her response. Does the hon. Gentleman share my concern about children in emergency refuge accommodation? I bring that to his attention simply because, in Northern Ireland, some 45% of children in emergency refuge are aged nought to five, which has a difficult impact on those formative years. More support is needed to provide a firm foundation for children during those most vulnerable years—it is not just the ladies; it is the children as well.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Social Enterprises and Community Ownership · Hansard source

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  It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Sir John. I thank the hon. Member for Leigh and Atherton (Jo Platt) for highlighting the wonderful benefits of social enterprises and community ownership. She is back with a bang—well done to her for securing this debate. I wish to give a Northern Ireland perspective and set out some of the exceptional ways in which we are doing things there. We are at a transformative moment for Northern Ireland. For too long, our economic story was told through the lens of what we lacked or what had been lost. Today, it is a joy to tell the story of the 1,200 social enterprises across our townlands. It is a story of resilience and innovation, with £933 million in annual turnover that stays in our communities. If that is not a good story to tell, I would like to know what is. In Northern Ireland, social enterprise is not just nice to have; it is foundational. In my constituency—from the Gatelodge café at Ards hospital, which provides training and employment for young people with learning difficulties, to the Comber farmers’ market, a volunteer-led initiative that provides a platform for local producers while serving as a vital social hub for the town—we are seeing what happens when local people take the keys to their own future. Community ownership is how we reclaim our disused barracks, our closed pubs and our historic halls and turn them into hubs of health, heritage, hope and vision. To truly unlock that potential, we must move beyond the grant reliance trap. We need a dedicated regional community ownership fund tailored to the unique needs of local community infrastructure. We also need legislative support to strengthen our right to buy, so that no community asset is lost simply because the paperwork is too complex. We need progressive procurement to ensure that the £3 billion that our Government spend every year prioritises businesses that deliver real social value back to our streets. Our sector is mature. Over half of our social enterprises have been trading for more than a decade. They are led by women—there are plenty of women here, as an indication of that. They are led by people with lived experience. They are motivated by a shared belief that profits should serve people, not the other way round. Let us not just build back; let us build ours. Let us ensure that every pound spent in Northern Ireland works twice as hard: once for the service it provides, and once for the community it empowers. The drive and the ability are there. What is needed is the support. I look forward to the Minister’s speech. We must invest in local communities, understanding that every pound invested will not only have its returns in tax but, more importantly, fire up a generation to make their living doing something that they are passionate about and that helps their local community. We all have that desire. Working together, we can make those dreams a reality.

• 18 Mar 2026 · Royal Mail: Performance · Hansard source

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  The Minister is always very responsive; I appreciate his responses today and in the past. I spoke about a person who applied for PIP and found that there was a delay in the post. That young boy, a type 1 diabetic, was denied one month of his benefit as a result. Will the Minister please look at that?

• 18 Mar 2026 · Royal Mail: Performance · Hansard source

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  It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Twigg. I thank the hon. Member for Exmouth and Exeter East (David Reed) for providing the opportunity to speak about this issue. We are seeing the breakdown of vital services in my Strangford constituency and in Ards. We are hearing stories of cancer screening invitations arriving a week after the appointment date. We are seeing small business owners—the backbone of our local economy—having to apologise to customers for parcels that are sitting in the sorting office. We are seeing elderly neighbours waiting for pension letters or bank cards that never come. The staff on the ground are working hard but they are being asked to do the impossible. A system designed for letters has been choked by the sheer volume of parcels and, in the race for profit, it is the humble first-class letter—the one containing peoples’ hospital results or bills—that is being left on the floor. We are told it is a recruitment issue. We are told it is the weather. For the people of Northern Ireland it feels like a postcode lottery. A letter could be a contract or a connection. We are not asking for the world; we are simply asking for a postal service that works for everyone, regardless of their address. I have a quick example of how things are going wrong. I am currently dealing with a child with diabetes who has been accepted for a personal independence payment, but due to Royal Mail delays—it is not the child’s fault, but someone else’s—his form is late and his parents are missing out on more than a month’s worth of payments that they should be entitled to. It is clear that Royal Mail needs to buck up its ideas. Ofcom recently fined Royal Mail £21 million for missing national delivery targets, but that will not get my constituent the backdated PIP money that they are due. Email is beyond many of our older people, and they depend on the so-called snail mail, which must return to being dependable once more. The staff are phenomenal, but root-and-branch changes must take place. The Minister is a good man and I spoke to him about this issue yesterday. We need it sorted Minister; the ball is at your toe.

• 17 Mar 2026 · Rural Roads · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Gentleman. I spoke to him beforehand about this issue. Insurance claims due to potholes, damage to car rims and tyres, and bicycles driving into potholes and riders going over the handlebars and getting injured—those are just some examples of what has happened back home in my constituency. Insurance claims are going through the roof against the roads Department. Does he agree that the present strategy is penny wise and pound foolish, and that a major strategy to improve rural roads is urgently needed to ensure that people do not get injured and their vehicles do not get damaged?

• 17 Mar 2026 · Child Maintenance Service · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Member for securing the debate. This is a massive issue in my constituency, as it is in hers. In Northern Ireland, a large proportion of parents relying on the CMS face difficulties in receiving timely maintenance, which directly impacts child poverty and family stability. Does she agree that there may be a lack of staff, and that to ensure that the CMS system operates effectively for families not just in her constituency, but in Northern Ireland, more needs to be done to reduce the backlogs and secure the financial support that their children are entitled to?

• 17 Mar 2026 · National Listing Framework · Hansard source

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  I thank the Secretary of State for his positive answer. When I think of the great United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, I am always keen that we share improvements, whether that is from Northern Ireland for here or from England for Northern Ireland. Could the things that the hon. Member for Colchester (Pam Cox) has asked for be put to the Policing and Justice Minister in Northern Ireland, so that we can improve our system in the same way as the Secretary of State intends here?

• 17 Mar 2026 · Immigration Reforms · Hansard source

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  Does the hon. Gentleman share my concern—I think he probably does—that on many occasions, the French police seem to sit back and do nothing, and let the whole process go ahead? That poses the question whether this Labour Government’s agreement with the French Government means anything at all.

• 17 Mar 2026 · Immigration Reforms · Hansard source

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  On a point of order, Mr Stringer. This is not a criticism of yourself, but when the list of speakers is presented to the Chair for consideration, I understood that the protocol and rules of the House were that if those on the list intervened, they would go to the bottom of the list, while those whose names were on the list but had not intervened would be brought to the top. Can you clarify that that is the rule? That is how I and others understand it, but today, that rule was not followed.

• 17 Mar 2026 · Immigration Reforms · Hansard source

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  I congratulate the hon. Member for Perth and Kinross-shire (Pete Wishart) on securing this vital debate. I am well-known for believing in immigration for those who need it, those who have a desire to assimilate and those who wish to make a new life for their families and become part of the fabric of British life. I believe in asylum for the few who are persecuted for their faith. They should be given an opportunity to apply for immigration status and to work and raise their families. I think of those who come to the Ulster hospital, the Royal Victoria hospital and the Belfast City hospital—those who have emigrated here, pay their national insurance and their tax here and keep the A&Es in all those hospitals going. That is really important. But I do not believe in an unrestricted flow of immigration for those who jump in a plastic or rubber boat in Calais and come across—economic migrants who are fit and well. In the very short time I have, I want to make a point about the fishing fleet, which faces what I believe is unnecessary immigration reform. The new English language thresholds being introduced in 2026 create a huge barrier to bringing new crew into the industry from overseas. The phasing-out of the temporary shortage list for the end of 2026 means that we will no longer be able to bring in foreign crew to Northern Ireland to work on fishing vessels and will only be able to renew the visas of those who already work here. That means that in 12 months we stand to lose 70% of our workers, which will tie up close to 100% of our fleet. I ask the Minister, who is a decent person and always replies very positively: can we have a meeting to discuss the bespoke visa system for fishing roles in the short and medium term? We need a mechanism to ensure that the industry does not fall during that period, while we do the necessary work to achieve more domestic recruitment. I ask the Minister to ensure that we have that meeting to prevent the implosion of the fishing industry due to the pressure on crews and vessels. Immigration is the lifeblood of our nation, but it must be controlled and in the national interest. We need to find that balance and find it soon—indeed, we need to find it before it is too late.

• 17 Mar 2026 · Immigration Reforms · Hansard source

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  I ask the Clerk to check that, because my understanding is that that did not happen.

• 17 Mar 2026 · Croydon Area Remodelling Scheme · Hansard source

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  I commend the hon. Lady for securing this debate. I spoke to her beforehand to give her my thoughts. I am here to support her and wish her well in the project. There is a good Minister here to help her and her constituents; I look forward to his response. Does the hon. Lady agree that although spending reviews are necessary, these infrastructure developments are essential for local areas? Much like in the case of the Ballynahinch bypass in my constituency, the perpetual long finger is detrimental to the local economy and business. There comes a time when the bottom line cannot be the only common denominator.