James Wild MP: speeches

Speeches

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  I rise briefly to speak to amendment 9, not least because I represent North West Norfolk, which is next door to North Norfolk where I grew up. It is sometimes quite difficult to get the local names correct, but Happisburgh is actually pronounced “Haysborough”, rather than “Happisberg”. I wanted to get that on the record, because people there feel quite strongly about it—it is a mistake that is inadvertently made quite a lot. It is important to protect national assets such as those at Bacton from coastal erosion. I would expect the Crown Estate already to be taking account of such requirements, and the Government to be doing likewise through their wider planning and strategic approach to coastal erosion, so I look forward to the Minister’s response on how coastal erosion will be prevented.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  Clause 3, the first of several clauses added on Report in the House of Lords, will amend section 1 of the 1961 Act to require the commissioners to review the impact of their activities on achieving sustainable development.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  I am disappointed to hear the Minister’s response. He did not quite address the point that an MoU —I appreciate that he has provided a draft to the Committee—can simply be changed if Ministers and the Crown Estate decide they want to change the level. Only in the last week or so, we have passed into law the charter for Budget responsibility, setting out the Government’s fiscal rules in statute, so I am not sure why there is an in-principle objection to setting out such borrowing in legislation. I think that that would be a prudent step, as we and the Crown Estate embark on a new period with this borrowing power. I will therefore push my amendment to a vote. Question put, That the amendment be made.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move amendment 4, in clause 1, page 1, line 26, at end insert— “(3) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must limit borrowing by the Crown Estate under this section by regulations made by statutory instrument, and these regulations may not be made unless a draft of the instrument has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament. (4) The first set of regulations made under subsection (3) must limit borrowing to a net debt to asset value ratio of no more than 25 per cent.” This amendment would limit the amount the Commissioners may borrow by regulations subject to the affirmative procedure for statutory instruments.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  As the Minister said, clause 4 was added on Report in the House of Lords to require the Crown Estate’s annual report to include activities under the partnership between the Crown Estate and GB Energy. I will also speak to new clause 4, which is in my name. Clause 4 does introduce an important layer of transparency, as the Minister said, ensuring there is a specific report on the activities of the commissioners under that partnership during the year, and on any effects or benefits experienced during the year that are a result of those activities. This is a welcome step, and we support the clause. However, the reporting requirement would only apply in years when a partnership between the commissioners and GB Energy was in operation. This means we will not know what has been agreed until the partnership is operational. Parliament—I think not unreasonably—needs to see an agreement when it is finalised. That is why I have tabled new clause 4. New clause 4 would simply require the Chancellor of the Exchequer to lay before Parliament any partnership agreement between the Crown Estate and GB Energy. This new clause is of fundamental importance. Without being able to see the details of the partnership agreement, we do not know what has been agreed and the impact on the duties of the Crown Estate. On the day that the Bill was introduced, the Government, with a lot of fanfare, announced the partnership between the Crown Estate and GB Energy. Indeed, Ministers claimed that the new GB Energy partnership would “turbocharge energy independence” and “unleash billions of investment in clean power.” However, currently there is a distinct lack of transparency over how this partnership will work and what difference it will make. I am concerned that this partnership may have been created for political, rather than economic, purposes.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move amendment 5, in clause 2, page 2, line 11 at end insert— “(5A) The Commissioners must notify the Chancellor of the Exchequer of any proposed changes to the remuneration framework governing remuneration of the Chief Executive set out in the Framework Document. (5B) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must lay before Parliament any notification received under subsection (5A).” This amendment requires Commissioners to notify the Chancellor of the Exchequer of any changes to the remuneration of the Chief Executive, who must lay that notification before Parliament.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  Okay. Amendment 1 would require the Crown Estate commissioners to have regard to net zero targets, regional economic growth and ensuring resilience in various areas. Instinctively, I am a bit sceptical about putting more obligations on the Crown Estate, given that its primary purpose is to generate a return for the nation. As I mentioned in passing, clause 3 already applies a sustainable development duty. The hon. Member for Great Grimsby and Cleethorpes spoke pretty persuasively, so I look forward to the assurances that the Minister might give before we see whether the Committee divides on the amendment.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Furniss, and to get the Committee started this morning. The clause amends the Crown Estate Act 1961 to remove certain statutory restrictions on the commissioners’ powers, and it clarifies and expands those powers in certain respects. Specifically, it broadens the Crown Estate’s investment powers and confers a broader power to borrow, subject to Treasury consent. As well as moving the amendment, I will speak to the clause. The Crown Estate Bill was conceived under the previous Government, and I am pleased that it has now progressed to this stage. We support the objective of the clause, which is to increase the Crown Estate’s ability to compete and invest, so that it maintains and enhances the value of the estate and the income derived from it. As the Committee knows, assets managed by the Crown Estate are not the property of the Government, and nor are they part of the sovereign’s private estate. Since George III, the assets have been held in right of the Crown—in other words, they are owned by the Crown as an institution, not personally by the monarch. The concept of the Crown encompasses the interests of both the sovereign and the Government. That is why appropriate scrutiny of the Crown Estate is important. The Estate has assets worth £15.5 billion and a portfolio of 185,000 acres, and it manages roughly 7,400 miles of coastline. It is also the largest contiguous owner in the west end. The Crown Estate returns all its net profits to the Treasury. In 2023-24, it recorded a net profit of £1.1 billion. Over the past decade, it has generated £4.1 billion for the nation’s finances, which is a laudable record, but there is the potential to do more. The Crown Estate estimates that the changes in the clause will enable it to generate £100 million per annum in additional revenues to the Treasury by 2030. That is forecast in the original business case that led to this legislation. It is therefore right that we should help to modernise the Estate as it aims to create lasting prosperity for the nation. At present, the Crown Estate is limited to making investments in certain types of property and certain restricted types of security held on the Crown Estate’s behalf by the national debt commissioners. The Estate’s powers to borrow for the purposes of discharging or redeeming incumbrances affecting the Estate are very limited. The Bill will modernise the Estate by removing those limitations. Although we support the borrowing power, we are concerned that there is a lack of parliamentary oversight over the borrowing levels. This is a new power. The Crown Estate should be prudent on the level of borrowing. The purpose must be supporting the Estate’s duty to maintain and enhance its value for maximised return to taxpayers. That is why we have tabled amendment 4, which would limit the amount the commissioners may borrow instruments. Specifically, the amendment would limit borrowing to a net debt-to asset value ratio of no more than 25% initially. When pushed by Baroness Vere and other noble Friends in the other place, the Government stated that a limit on borrowing is better placed outside legislation and that controls would be set out in the memorandum of understanding between the Crown Estate and the Treasury. On Second Reading, the Minister repeated that, saying: “There will, as has been noted, be a memorandum of understanding in place between the Treasury and the Crown Estate, and that will govern how borrowing powers will be exercised.” —[ Official Report , 7 January 2025; Vol. 759, c. 805.] The target borrowing level in that MOU sets out that the loan-to-value ratio should not exceed 25%. Given that the Government agree that there should be a limit, we should introduce robust safeguards in statute to protect against unconstrained borrowing. An MOU between the Treasury and the Crown Estate is easily altered at the stroke of a pen. If Parliament is being asked to remove the restriction to allow the Crown Estate to borrow, I struggle to see the logic in why the Government think that the cap they have committed to should not initially be set in legislation, with the ability to amend it by secondary legislation, if necessary. I would be grateful if the Minister could address those concerns and confirm whether the Government have considered this proposal since Second Reading. A limit must be subject to the affirmative procedure, which is a proportionate step that will ensure that the Crown Estate can access that borrowing to maintain and enhance the value of its land, property, and interests for the benefit of the nation. However, borrowing can be risky, and this is a new power, so it should be subject to some controls and we should be cautious. I contend that amendment 4 is a perfectly reasonable check on the borrowing power, and I hope we can get the Committee off to a positive start, with the Minister accepting it.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Thank you for calling me to speak again, Mr Mundell—it is good to get the exercise. There is not much to add on this very straightforward clause and amendment, other than that the commencement date, which brings the legislation into force automatically within two years, could usefully be applied to other legislation from the last Parliament. Quite a lot of private Members’ Bills and other pieces of legislation were passed that have not been commenced. I could expand on that issue at length, Mr Mundell, but you would rightly say that it was not in scope. However, car parking regulations, for example, have not been brought into the code of practice or into effect. Having a clear date in legislation to say, “This will happen, as long as the Bill passes,” is a good thing to do. Amendment 3 agreed to. Clause 7, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill. New Clause 2 Territorial seabed “After section 3A of the Crown Estate Act 1961 (inserted by section 1 of this Act) insert— ‘3AA Restriction on permanently disposing of interest in seabed etc (1) The Commissioners may not without the consent of the Treasury permanently dispose of— (a) any part of the territorial seabed, or (b) any interest, right or privilege over or in relation to the territorial seabed, which forms part of the Crown Estate. (2) Accordingly, without that consent, any purported disposal of a kind mentioned in subsection (1) is void. (3) In subsection (1), “territorial seabed” means the seabed and subsoil within the seaward limits of the United Kingdom territorial waters.’”— (James Murray.) This new clause requires the Crown Estate Commissioners to obtain consent from the Treasury before they permanently dispose of any of the Crown Estate’s interest in, or rights or privileges in relation to, the territorial seabed. Brought up, and read the First time.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Well—

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I will respond to Government new clause 2 and to new clause 3, which was tabled in my name. As we heard from the Minister, Government new clause 2 will require the Crown Estate commissioners to obtain consent from the Treasury before they permanently dispose of any of the Crown Estate’s interest in, or rights or privileges in relation to, the territorial seabed. The Government moved this measure because of the extensive debate in the other place about the sale of certain assets, and particularly the seabed. We welcome the constructive approach taken by Ministers; Lord Livermore gave a commitment in the other place, and it has been honoured today, so we will support the new clause. Although we welcome the new clause, we still have concerns about the disposal of other assets. My new clause 3 would require the Crown Estate commissioners to seek approval from His Majesty’s Treasury for the disposal of assets totalling 10% or more of the Crown Estate’s total assets. It would also require the Chancellor to lay a report before Parliament within 28 days of being notified of such a disposal by the commissioners. As previously noted in Committee, the Crown Estate owns some of the nation’s most vital assets. It is somewhat surprising to find that there are few safeguards to prevent the Crown Estate commissioners from deciding to sell critical assets. That is why the debate in the other place, which exposed the issue of the seabed and brought about new clause 2, was so important. However, the Crown Estate has lots of other assets, which Members may wish to refer to and which they may think also deserve special attention. In the original business case for modernisation of the Crown Estate, which is publicly available, it was noted that the Crown Estate was planning £1.4 billion of disposals, which—coincidentally enough—equates to nearly 10% of its portfolio. In the other place, my noble Friends suggested a disposal limit of anything greater than £10 million. The noble Lord Livermore responded: “It is the Government’s view that imposing a statutory limit on disposals in this way would undermine the flexibility required by the Crown Estate to ensure that it can operate commercially and fulfil its core duties under the future Act.” —[ Official Report, House of Lords, 5 November 2024; Vol. 840, c. 1411.] The Minister made a similar argument in his speech, but I am not sure that it is right. Given that the assets are held for the benefit of the nation, there should be some form of greater transparency if they are to be disposed of. Reporting to Parliament and seeking approval from the Treasury for disposals over a set percentage would provide such transparency. The disposal of assets by the Crown Estate should be properly scrutinised, given its important role and statutory purpose. When I asked the Crown Estate about its planned disposals—the £1.4 billion referred to in document on the modernisation of the Crown Estate, which any Member may access—it said that it was unable to disclose its plans. Members might guess that the old “confidential, commercially sensitive” reason was given. That raises concerns about transparency. Will the Minister confirm whether he knows which assets were included in that figure and whether the Crown Estate plans further disposals? I asked the same question on Second Reading, and the Minister replied to most of my points, but that is one he did not reply to. Perhaps he will do so on this occasion. Having reflected on the debates in the other place, we have changed our approach from a £10 million cap to a 10% cap, after which new clause 3 would require approval and a report to Parliament. That is a modest measure, which would not inhibit the commercial freedom of the Crown Estate to take such decisions if it wants to. It owns assets such as Great Windsor Park and others, and who knows which it may decide to sell at some point in the future? Such assets are held in right of the Crown, so this is not about the sovereign’s private income, but about the income generated for the taxpayer. Transparency is something that the Government should endorse.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I am up now. I will not detain the Committee long. We did not support new clause 5, so it follows that we do not support new clause 6, although it raises a thought in my mind. The east of England, which is home to the largest offshore wind sites in Europe, is perhaps not getting its fair dibs. That is probably something I need to reflect on for another time.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  The Minister talked about flexibility, but the Crown Estate would not suddenly decide tomorrow to sell some asset; it will have a business case and a process. That business case will go to the Chancellor, who will get advice rapidly—within a matter of hours or a day—either approve it or not, and report to the House. I do not see what the flexibility issue is.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I am grateful, Mr Mundell, for your chairing this afternoon, and I am grateful to Ms Furniss for chairing the first session this morning. I am grateful for the support, help and advice of the Clerks and for the contributions and responses provided by the Crown Estate during the passage of the Bill. I look forward to reconvening with Members for its remaining stages, which I understand will be on 24 February—they will be a pleasure. I am grateful to the Minister for getting on the record my strong opposition to the 100 miles of pylons coming from Grimsby to Walpole in my constituency and the need to look at underground options.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I will not detain the Committee for long. The hon. Member for Ynys Môn referred to the previous Conservative Government’s position, which has not changed today. The proposal would introduce an element of risk in spinning out assets and revenue streams. We heard about the particulars of the Celtic sea, so this is not the right proposal for this time.

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  This is a pretty straightforward clause. It is one of those that were added to the Bill in the other place to improve it, and I hope the Minister might learn the lesson of those clauses as we come to consider the new clauses shortly. Question put and agreed to. Clause 6 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 7 Extent, commencement and short title

• 6 Feb 2025 · Crown Estate Bill [ Lords ] (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship again so soon, Mr Mundell. As the Minister noted, the clause was added in the other place, particularly following the efforts of my noble Friend Lord Forsyth of Drumlean. It was backed by peers from across the parties, and Labour peers may have supported it as well. The Minister says that it duplicates provisions that exist. Given that the Government said in the House of Lords that they support its objective, it is clearly disappointing to see them removing these provisions, with the message that that sends about the importance of protecting the future of wild Atlantic salmon. Question put and negatived. Clause 6 Commissioners with special responsibility Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

• 5 Feb 2025 · Police Grant Report · Hansard source

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  The right hon. Lady referred to neighbourhood policing. In Norfolk, the new settlement will mean four officers on duty at any one time over an area of 2,000 square miles. Norfolk’s chief constable, who is also the national lead, has warned that there is a £4 million funding gap for Norfolk, and that he will have to lose experienced police staff as a result. Why is the Minister not giving Norfolk and other rural areas the settlement they need?

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time. To support growth, innovation and investment, we require a competitive tax environment for business. New clause 10 would require the Chancellor, within six months of the Bill being passed, to conduct a review of business and lay before the House a report setting out recommendations arising from the review, including recommendations on how to use business tax to encourage and increase the investment of profits and revenue, and on how to ensure that businesses have certainty about the taxes to which they are subject. A common theme throughout the Committee has been the impact of the measures in the first Labour Budget for 14 years. Sadly, we know that that Budget and this Finance Bill introduce tax increases of around £40 billion a year—it is the biggest tax-raising Budget in modern history. It is businesses that are bearing the brunt, including the £25 billion a year through the jobs tax that the Government repeatedly promised during the election not to introduce. The Government said that their priority is growth. We heard more about their plans yesterday, but we did not hear much about how their plans would deliver more growth in this Parliament, rather than in the long term. While that is welcome, I think people are also interested in the here and now. Having inherited the fastest-growing economy in the G7, the OBR then downgraded the growth rate by 0.7% in its forecast, as a result of the measures in the Budget. We have seen borrowing costs rise to the highest level for 27 years, inflation is above target and business confidence is plummeting. That latter point is what lies behind the new clause.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Would that we had the happy chance to be sitting in the Treasury making the policy decisions. It is the Chancellor who will bring forward another fiscal event, and who may have to take some action to deal with the impact of her Budget. This is about what the Government will do and the review that they conduct and bring forward. Business confidence is essential for investment, but it has been damaged by this Government, when they first came in, talking down the economy. We now hear a much more positive tone talking about our strengths, and the strong fundamentals of our economy, which were all points that the Opposition made throughout our period in office. We encouraged the Government to do the same when they came in, but they wanted to talk about a fantasy black hole and the worst economic inheritance, which has done a lot of damage to our economy. The latest Confederation of British Industry growth indicator shows that private sector firms expect a significant fall in activity over the next three months. The latest purchasing managers’ index flash shows that one in four businesses have cut jobs due to employment costs. The Office for National Statistics showed that retail sales in December fell by 43%. This is a worrying state of affairs and any Members who speak to businesses will have heard the deep concerns over the hiking costs of employing people, the cut in business rate support for retail, leisure and hospitality businesses, and other measures. The Budget put up taxes on entrepreneurs and wealth creators, and it is driving people who create wealth away from our country. The energy profits levy puts at risk 35,000 jobs in Scotland and the North sea. The family business tax, which was launched without any warning, has had a highly damaging impact on family farms and other family firms. That is why a review of business taxation is so necessary, with the objective of not only encouraging an increase in investment but providing certainty for firms. The Minister has spoken repeatedly about certainty, so I hope he will feel able to support the new clause.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  The clause is about enabling HMRC to prepare for the introduction of a new excise duty on vaping products before it is formally provided for in law. Amendment 67 would require that, in doing so, HMRC must have regard to the desirability of requiring a digital tax stamp to be applied to e-cigarette liquids. A million people in England now vape despite never having been regular smokers—a sevenfold increase in just three years—and vaping rates are highest among 16 to 24-year-olds, hence the measures that are going through in the Tobacco and Vapes Bill. Like many of the measures we have discussed in Committee, this new duty was first announced by the previous Conservative Government, and my right hon. Friend the Member for Godalming and Ash (Jeremy Hunt) announced the introduction of an excise duty on vaping products from October 2026. There is a strong case to take action on the affordability of vapes, while ensuring that there is a significant differential between the duty on vapes and the duty on other tobacco products. After the consultation that the previous Government launched, this Government have announced that they will apply a flat-rate duty on all vaping liquid from October 2026, set at £2.20 per 10 ml of vaping liquid. Clause 82 simply provides for HMRC to “prepare for the introduction of a new duty”; the main provisions will come in future legislation. When new taxes and levies are introduced, it is important to get the implementation right. After consultation, a single flat-rate duty will apply, which should reduce non-compliance and tax avoidance opportunities and be more proportionate both for industry and for HMRC to administer.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Will the Minister address directly the point about backdating and say whether it represents a change in approach to taxation policy by this Government? They have introduced a 27% increase from the date when the levy was frozen. As I said, if that approach had applied to fuel duty, it would result in a 64% increase. People will be concerned; will the Minister give reassurance about the Government’s approach to taxation?

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  What about fuel duty?

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  In the light of my failing voice I will not move the next new clause, so this will be the last time I will speak in the Committee. I thank you, Ms Vaz, and Mr Mundell, the Clerks and other officials, as well as Committee members. I also echo the thanks for the Chartered Institute of Taxation and others, and I thank Billy Falcon in my office, who has done sterling work in supporting me. I am grateful to the Minister for his comments. I am sure the rest of the Committee will be delighted that I beg to ask leave to withdraw the clause. Clause, by leave withdrawn .

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time. As we know, households currently face a number of challenges, and the measures in the Bill and the Budget will serve only to exacerbate them. At the time of the Budget, the OBR confirmed that real household disposal income will be “1¼ per cent lower by the start of 2029. The bulk of this difference (around 85 per cent) is explained by policies announced in this Budget.” It is because of the measures in the Bill and the Budget that growth is forecast to be lower over the forecast period than predicted in March last year. Higher borrowing means that interest rates are forecast to be higher for longer, which means that mortgage rates will be higher for longer. Borrowing costs have hit a 27-year high under this Chancellor—hardly the stability that is her watchword. The Government inherited inflation at target; since then inflation has increased, which means less money in people’s pockets. All those effects will be felt by the working families the Government said were their priority at the general election. As we discussed in Committee of the whole House, the Bill’s education tax will hit people who have chosen to prioritise providing for their children’s education in the place that they consider best suits their child’s needs. The Conservatives are for 100% of children, and we back parents’ freedom to choose; the Labour party is adopting a self-defeating ideological approach to our education system, including academies, that seeks to divide. The education tax will hit 100,000 children with special needs who are in independent schools but without education, health and care plans. We have already seen children withdrawn from schools and schools closing as a result. Measures such as increased alcohol duty, air passenger duty and vehicle duty will impact household finances directly, and borrowing costs have risen, meaning hard-working families will have to pay the costs— [ Interruption. ] Excuse me, my voice is going. Any impact that changes in the Bill will have on households should be closely monitored, which is what the new clause seeks to achieve.