Jacob Collier MP: speeches

Speeches

• 7 Jul 2025 · Fossil Fuel Advertising and Sponsorship · Hansard source

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  When I spoke to Chris Packham ahead of this debate, I think he was quite disappointed that last week’s debate about banning grouse shooting had gone a particular way. This one probably went a bit more in his favour. I hope that, watching on, he will be happy with how it has gone. I thank all the organisations that have spent their time and expertise helping me to prepare my opening remarks, from the Advertising Standards Authority to The Globe Foundation, Badvertising, Adfree Cities and of course Chris Packham; he said that this would just be the start, so I imagine that he will continue to apply pressure in this place. I thank everyone who has participated in the debate, I thank the hon. Member for Bristol Central (Carla Denyer) for taking time out of her swimming schedule to be here, and I thank everybody who signed the petition. I know that this is a debate that will continue. Question put and agreed to. Resolved, That this House has considered e-petition 700024 relating to fossil fuel advertising and sponsorship.

• 7 Jul 2025 · Fossil Fuel Advertising and Sponsorship · Hansard source

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  I will come on to some of those arguments, but I recognise what the hon. Lady says. It is important to note that fossil fuel companies will be key to the transition. Many are, in fact, investing heavily in renewable energy, alternative fuels and low-carbon technologies. The Advertising Standards Authority, which I met ahead of the debate, made it clear that it has no official position on a ban and that it is for Parliament to decide. It is cautious about stepping into territory where it might be seen to regulate brand image rather than specific advertising claims. Frankly, it has a point, because there is a fine line between stopping misleading adverts and telling a company that it cannot speak at all. The ASA also noted that when companies are genuinely diversifying—investing in wind, solar and hydrogen—they should be allowed to share that progress; otherwise, how do we know if they are making any? Then there is the issue of capacity. As Badvertising and others have noted, the ASA is already stretched. It often takes months to investigate ads, by which time the advert in question has already run its course, its messages have been absorbed and its impressions have been made, so we are left with a reactive system chasing after a rapidly moving industry. Some critics make the slippery slope argument: “If we ban fossil fuel ads, will cars be next? What about flights, steaks and leather shoes? Where do we draw the line before we are banning Sunday roasts and petrol lawnmowers?” Let me be clear that those are not trivial objections—they speak to the real tensions between climate emergency, free enterprise and democratic openness—but now I want to turn to the other side of the debate. While all speech may be free, speech is not without consequence, and fossil fuel advertising is not just a matter of a few billboards here and there; it is increasingly a co-ordinated strategy to build trust, shape culture and delay structural change. Groups such as Badvertising and the New Weather Institute have made that clear in both their research and their rhetoric. As was revealed by internal BP advertising memos, fossil fuel companies seek to reinforce their social licence and influence consumer behaviour by associating themselves with progress, positivity and public good. The issue is not just what they say, but where and how they say it. A 2022 report by DeSmog revealed that over 240 fossil fuel campaigns ran across the Transport for London network in six years. Fossil fuel ads appear in Westminster station, for example, not because consumers need urgent advice about offshore drilling, but because that is where we, the policymakers, walk. We must also talk about greenwashing, which is no longer just a fringe concern; it is now central to the conversation about advertising ethics and consumer trust. Yes, the ASA has taken action—in 2023, it banned Shell, Repsol and Petronas ads that were misleading in their environmental claims, chiefly by omitting the fact that their business remains overwhelmingly dependent on fossil fuel production—but companies are evolving. In 2025, Shell released a new advert that on the surface was still greenwashing, but this time included qualifying language in the small print about its continuing investments in oil and gas and, as a result, technically met the rules. We are in an era of compliant deception: an ad can be accurate but also misleading. A message can be truthful in parts but dishonest in tone. It is a bit like a politician claiming that they never technically lied but conveniently forgetting that they answered a different question altogether—I am not naming any names. Beyond formal adverts, we must confront the world of sponsorship, where the relationship is less about information and more about association. Fossil fuel companies sponsor not just events, but sports, music, festivals, education initiatives and even museum exhibits. Why? Because we do not remember the product; we remember the feeling, and if the logo has an association with the feeling, the brand has woven itself into the cultural fabric of our society. The New Weather Institute’s “Dirty Money” report found that oil and gas companies are now spending over $5.6 billion across 205 active global sports sponsorships. This is not just a side hustle; it is a strategy. This is where it gets complicated. We had the British grand prix this weekend. That industry is still heavily reliant on fossil fuels, albeit Formula 1 is on track to be net zero by 2030 and some teams, such as McLaren, are already carbon neutral. Are we to say that a fossil fuel company should not sponsor a sport that at present is a big polluter? There is a key precedent: in 2002, we passed the Tobacco Advertising and Promotion Act to ban tobacco ads and sponsorships, not because cigarettes had changed or become healthier, but because the science had clarified that the social harm was overwhelming.

• 7 Jul 2025 · Fossil Fuel Advertising and Sponsorship · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That this House has considered e-petition 700024 relating to fossil fuel advertising and sponsorship. It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Twigg. Let me begin by thanking the 110,519 people across the United Kingdom who signed the petition and welcoming those in the Public Gallery. In particular, I acknowledge the work of Chris Packham, the petition’s creator, who is known to many as a passionate and persistent voice for nature and environmental justice. Another petition of his was debated in Westminster Hall just last week; he likes to keep us in the Petitions Committee on our toes. Chris has used his platform and credibility to bring this issue to national attention, and I am grateful for the opportunity to open this important debate. I thank all those who spoke to me while I was preparing my opening remarks, particularly Kate Copeland-Rhodes of The Globe Foundation in Uttoxeter in my constituency. We have had a lot of engagement from climate groups and campaigners, but not so much from fossil fuel companies. I cannot possibly think why, but I will do my very best to represent their arguments. The question before us today is simple to ask, but difficult to answer: should fossil fuel companies be allowed to advertise and sponsor content, events and spaces in the United Kingdom? In truth, it is a question of what kind of future we want to build, what kind of public discourse we want to cultivate and what role, if any, we believe advertising should play in shaping our societal values. Those who oppose a ban on fossil fuel advertising typically begin with a defence of freedom of expression, not just for individuals, but for businesses. In a pluralistic society, they argue, even controversial companies have a right to communicate. After all, debate is healthy and the public are not stupid; they can make up their own minds.

• 7 Jul 2025 · Fossil Fuel Advertising and Sponsorship · Hansard source

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  I think my hon. Friend has read my speech, because I was just coming to the UN Secretary-General’s comments. She may also know that there are similar bans on fossil fuel company advertising in Edinburgh, Sheffield, Cambridgeshire, Liverpool, Norwich and North Somerset. Even advertising agencies themselves are stepping back, with many refusing to take work from fossil fuel clients. The momentum is not marginal; it is building. The Government’s official response to the petition was issued on 18 December. It stated that although the UK is “committed to reducing emissions”, there “are currently no plans to restrict fossil fuel advertising.” Instead, the focus is on voluntary eco-labelling schemes and better enforcement of existing rules. Voluntary schemes are important, but they do not curb the underlying issue that advertising has become a tool for delay, distraction and reputation laundering. Banning fossil fuel advertising is not about censorship; it is about recognising that certain messages, delivered by certain actors in certain contexts, can cause harm. As my hon. Friend the Member for Norwich North (Alice Macdonald) said, the UN Secretary-General called for a global ban on fossil fuel advertising earlier this year. He was not being radical; he was being proportionate. We ban tobacco ads not to silence smokers, but to protect children. We restrict junk food advertising during children’s programming not because we do not like Big Macs, but because the power to persuade can do real harm if left unchecked. We are not asking fossil fuel companies to shut down tomorrow; we are asking them not to mislead the public today. We are not asking them to abandon all communications; we are asking them not to dominate our public spaces with ads that obscure reality. In a world that is now averaging 1.63°C above pre-industrial levels, the question is not whether we can afford to act, but whether we can afford not to. This debate is about balancing the freedom of expression and free enterprise with the real need to take action to prevent a worsening climate emergency. The advertising regulator has said that it is down to this place to act, if it so chooses. In that spirit, I look forward to the debate and to contributions from other hon. Members.

• 23 Jun 2025 · UK Modern Industrial Strategy · Hansard source

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  My constituency boasts some of the nation’s most energy-intensive industries, from manufacturing to being the home of UK brewing. As such, I welcome the news that there will be energy subsidies for energy-intensive industries, which will support those industries and local jobs in my constituency. Can the Secretary of State say more about how he will work across Government to ensure that manufacturers and brewers will not be paying champagne prices for power?

• 23 Jun 2025 · Middle East · Hansard source

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  I thank the Foreign Secretary for his statement and for his level-headed approach in calling for de-escalation. He has spoken about the threat of further escalation with the closure of the strait of Hormuz, through which—as he knows—a large proportion of the world’s oil supply flows. Can he say more about how he will protect UK householders and businesses from a potential rise in oil prices?

• 18 Jun 2025 · HS2 Reset · Hansard source

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  The Transport Secretary will know that my constituents have endured years of disruption, and of drawn-out and poorly managed roadworks, as they drive past Lichfield on the A38. Given that billions of pounds were squandered by the previous Government and the disruption continues, can she say more about how she will get a grip on this project to ensure that we have vigorous oversight, and that it is delivered effectively and on time for our constituents?

• 18 Jun 2025 · Crime and Policing Bill · Hansard source

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  I rise to speak in strong support of new clause 122, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire and Bedworth (Rachel Taylor). I am proud to be the first signatory to it, as I believe it represents a vital step forward in the protection of some of the most marginalised people in our society. New clause 122 would amend the Crime and Policing Bill to create aggravated offences where the underlying crime is motivated by hostility because of a person’s sexual orientation, transgender identity, disability or perceived identity. It would align the legal treatment of those forms of hate with the framework that already exists for racially and religiously aggravated offences. It delivers on a promise, a promise that we in the Labour party made in our manifesto to the British people: that we would act to close the gap in our hate crime laws and provide equal protection to LGBT+ people and disabled people in the criminal justice system. It is about living up to our values. Labour is the party of equality, fairness before the law and standing with those whose voices have too often been ignored. That is why I joined the Labour party and this amendment is rooted in that tradition. It is also fitting that we are tabling this new clause in Pride Month and in the wake of the Supreme Court ruling which has caused so much anguish among the trans community. We know the scale of the problem. Hate crimes based on sexual orientation have risen by 112% over the last five years. Against trans people, that figure is 186%. The charity Galop, which supports LGBT+ victims of abuse, saw a 60% increase in referrals in the last year alone. In the year ending March 2024, 11,719 disability hate crime incidents were reported. Shamefully, just 1% of that hate crime involving violence resulted in a charge. And yet, still, the majority of incidents go unreported. Too many victims still believe the system is not on their side. New clause 122 gives us the opportunity to change that. It would give police and prosecutors a clearer route to charge and convict offenders in a way that truly reflects the nature of these crimes. I know what it means to think twice about how you walk down a street, to pause before holding someone’s hand, and to wonder whether that shout from across the road is something that you can ignore or that you cannot afford to ignore. And I know I am not alone in that. I have spoken to my constituents and to people from far beyond, who tell me they do not feel safe reporting hate when it happens. They do not believe they will be taken seriously. There is a profound failure of trust, one that we in this House have a duty to repair. This is also about dignity. It is about recognising that, whether you are a trans teenager being punched in a park, a gay couple being spat at on the tube, or a disabled man being harassed on his way to work, all people deserve the full protection of the law. They deserve to know that this country is on their side, and that if they are targeted for who they are, justice will not look the other way. New clause 122 would provide vital protection for disabled people, who remain far too invisible in the public conversation around hate crime despite facing damaging harassment, violence and abuse every single day. This change is recommended by the Law Commission and supported by Stonewall, Galop and Disability Rights UK. I am proud that it is backed by 104 right hon. and hon. Members across the House. People are simply asking to live their lives in peace and have the right support when things go wrong. I hope we can take a step forward in advancing LGBT+ rights and disability rights today.

• 11 Jun 2025 · Spending Review 2025 · Hansard source

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  I, too, warmly welcome the investment in the midlands rail hub, which will mean 150 extra trains a week through Burton, and the investment in Rolls-Royce, which will produce small modular reactors and nuclear subs that will benefit my constituency and local jobs. The Chancellor also announced a huge package around transport. She will know that I have been pushing for improvements on the A50/A500 and in the infrastructure around Branston bridge. Can she say more about when we can expect an announcement on the road investment strategy?

• 9 Jun 2025 · Winter Fuel Payment · Hansard source

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  I welcome the Government’s decision, and thank them for listening to Members on both sides of the House. Many of my older constituents live in houses that are not energy-efficient, which results in higher bills, so can the Minister say more about what the Government are doing to increase energy efficiency in homes to keep them warmer and bring down bills?

• 5 Jun 2025 · Free School Meals · Hansard source

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  In my constituency 5,730 children will benefit from this announcement. It means a hot meal every day and real, practical support for families who are struggling with the cost of living crisis. Does the Minister agree that while we expect the Conservative party to block this support, as they have for many years, Reform MPs could not even be bothered to turn up today? They talk about supporting families, but they are nowhere to be seen when it matters.

• 4 Jun 2025 · Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories · Hansard source

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  The Minister referred to the joint statement with France and Canada on 20 May. Things have got worse since that point. Food distribution has been blocked entirely, hunger is being used as a weapon and innocent Palestinians are paying the price. If that statement is to hold up, will the Minister say what action he will be taking with France and Canada?

• 19 May 2025 · Gender Self-identification · Hansard source

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  The hon. Lady has made a comprehensive opening statement on behalf of the Petitions Committee, so I thank her for that. Does she agree that trans voices are often left out when we talk about these issues and have this debate? We need to remember that there are humans on the other side of this, and we need to listen to our trans community when we make decisions that directly impact their lives.

• 14 May 2025 · Glass Packaging: Extended Producer Responsibility · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve with you in the Chair, Mr Stringer. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Rotherham (Sarah Champion) for securing this important debate. As the MP for Burton and Uttoxeter, I am proud to represent my hometown and the home of British brewing. As I have said many times in this house, Burton’s brewery heritage stretches back centuries, and our iconic breweries are known the world over not just for the quality of their beer, which I sample very regularly, but for the communities that they support and the skilled jobs that they sustain. Brewing is in our blood; it shapes our local economy, our identity and indeed the very character of our communities. When policies come forward that could affect the future of this proud industry, we must pay close attention. Extended producer responsibility is one such policy. The ambition behind it is good—we want to see more recycling, less waste and a greener future—but the way this policy is being introduced risks real harm to businesses that are already working very hard to do the right thing.

• 14 May 2025 · Glass Packaging: Extended Producer Responsibility · Hansard source

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  Absolutely—I am just about to make that point. Under the current plans, brewers, particularly those using glass bottles, face more than £150 million a year in new charges. That is not a minor adjustment. For some producers it could be the difference between profit and loss, in a sector that is already under huge strain. The impact does not stop at the brewery gate. Pubs, many of which already pay for their own commercial waste disposal, will be charged again under EPR. That double payment for the same waste will cost up to £2,000 a year for larger venues. While DEFRA has acknowledged that this is a flaw in the system, a fix is not expected for another two years. In the meantime, pubs will foot the bill. EPR will have a direct impact in my constituency, which has the most brewing jobs of any constituency in the UK and is home to companies such as Punch and Greene King, and to brewers such as Molson Coors and Marston’s. The policy will stifle growth and investment at a time when they are the Government’s No. 1 mission. There is also confusion about how EPR should be classified. The Office for Budget Responsibility calls it a tax, whereas DEFRA calls it a levy. That lack of clarity really matters. Businesses in my constituency and around the country need certainty to invest, plan and grow, and at the moment they do not have it. Perhaps most frustratingly of all, according to the Government’s own analysis these changes might not meaningfully improve recycling rates. We risk burdening brewers and pubs with new costs without a guarantee that EPR will actually deliver the environmental benefits that we want to see. Nobody is asking for the goals of EPR to be abandoned, but we need to make sure that the system works for the environment and for British industry, local jobs and communities such as mine that depend on them. Burton’s brewers have survived wars, recessions and global pandemics. They can continue to thrive with the right support, but they cannot and should not be asked to carry an unfair burden. Will the Minister please listen to the industry and work together with us to get this right?

• 14 May 2025 · Glass Packaging: Extended Producer Responsibility · Hansard source

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  indicated assent .

• 12 May 2025 · Immigration System · Hansard source

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  I recently visited a care company that expressed serious concerns about bogus organisations registering as care providers in order to sponsor individuals through the health and care visa. This not only undercuts legitimate care providers that pay and treat their staff properly, but raises significant concerns about the potential exploitation of workers entering the UK. What steps is the Home Secretary planning to take to clamp down on fraudulent practices and support reputable British care companies?

• 7 May 2025 · India-Pakistan: Escalation · Hansard source

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  I represent a large Pakistani and Kashmiri community in Burton who are watching in horror and fear at the risk of further military escalation. Many have family and extended family in the region, and are understandably anxious about their safety and wellbeing. What assurances can the Minister offer to my constituents that the UK is actively engaging with all international partners to support de-escalation, protect wider regional stability and protect civilian lives?

• 6 May 2025 · Counter Terrorism Policing: Arrests · Hansard source

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  I also pay tribute to our security and intelligence services in foiling what appears to be a highly co-ordinated plot. The involvement of Iranian nationals points to a potential state-backed threat. Can the Minister assure me and my constituents that our intelligence and legal frameworks are keeping pace with the growing sophistication of hostile activity on British soil?

• 6 May 2025 · Middle East Update · Hansard source

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  The Palestinian people have a right to determine the future of their country. What specific action will the Minister take on the proposed indefinite occupation by Israel of Gaza? It risks eroding the sovereignty of the Palestinian people, sets an extreme precedent in international law, and ultimately jeopardises any path to a lasting peace.

• 29 Apr 2025 · Staffordshire: Cultural Contribution · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Furniss. I refer the House to my entry in the register of interests. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford (Leigh Ingham) for securing this debate. In my constituency of Burton and Uttoxeter we have given, and continue to give, so much to the world. When His Majesty the King visited in February, he saw two of our greatest exports to the world: beer and yellow diggers. Burton is, of course, the brewing capital of Britain, and my constituency employs more people in brewing jobs than any other in the country. Burton ales are famous around the world, and those words “Burton Ales”, or the iconic red triangle of Bass, can be spotted all around the world. Following the closure of the National Brewery Centre in 2022, I am working with the council and the National Brewery Heritage Trust as they bring life to plans for a new brewery centre and experience that will open up the Washlands area, and allow us to tell that story of Burton’s importance as the brewing capital of the world once more. Not only do we have the global brewers of Molson Coors and Marston’s, but also important independent brewers such as Tower Brewery, Burton Bridge, Outwoods Brewing, Gates, and the Uttoxeter Brewing Company. Our local club, Burton Albion, is better known as the Brewers, because of our brewing heritage. We are home to pub companies Punch and Greene King, both of which support pubs and hospitality across the country. Pubs and hospitality are in desperate need of support and I hope the Government will move forward at pace with business rate reform. Uttoxeter is where Joseph Cyril Bamford made his very first tipping trailer, which would go on to become the iconic global brand of JCB, that is headquartered in Rocester. We have the racecourse in Uttoxeter, where the Midlands grand national takes place in March. I would like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the many charities and voluntary organisations in my constituency. In particular, I want to highlight Burton Addiction Centre, which leads not only Staffordshire but the country for drug and alcohol rehabilitation. Whenever I visit, I am amazed by the lifesaving work that takes place there. Finally, I close by asking all of us to carry the motto of our county with us: “The knot unites”. Within our county and country there is so much hatred and division and, like today, we should remember the things that bind us together. Happy Staffordshire Day.

• 28 Apr 2025 · Football Governance Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  I am pleased to support the Bill, which will protect our football clubs and the heritage of our game. My club Burton Albion, the Brewers, which plays in league one—that position will hopefully be secured under the stewardship of Gary Bowyer—is fully in support of the Bill. We are looking forward to our match against the Secretary of State’s Wigan side; I know that she will want to wish us luck. It is fitting that one of the key measures in the Bill is designed to protect the heritage of English football, given that Burton Albion will mark its 75th anniversary on 5 July.

• 28 Apr 2025 · Football Governance Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  Absolutely. Our club was formed at Burton town hall, with the name Burton Albion chosen through overwhelming support on a show of hands. From the humble beginnings of non-league football, in 2016 the Brewers would go on to be promoted to the championship. It was a remarkable achievement for a club rooted firmly in the local community, built not on vast fortunes but on good management, the strong leadership of Ben Robinson and loyal support. The club touches the lives of so many local people, and like so many Burtonians, it is a key part of my family story, too. My very first football game was at Eton Park with my dad, and one of my first jobs was pulling pints behind the bar in the ground, which set me up for politics, as I served fans in the away end, so I got used to dealing with difficult people, like Derby fans. The town fondly remembers the FA cup in 2006, when the mighty Brewers took on Sir Alex Ferguson’s Manchester United, and despite Rooney and Ronaldo coming on in the 58th minute, they still could not stop the Brewers. Like thousands of Burtonians, as a nine-year-old, I made the trip to the rematch at Old Trafford, and came back on the coach having lost 5-0. It was not to be, but it was a proud part of our town’s story. These memories live on in our town and show the power of football to bring people together. That is key to this Bill, which recognises that football clubs are not businesses to be brought, traded or asset-stripped at will; they are living parts of our communities. Improving fan engagement is a key part of the Bill. BAFC already works hard on that through the fan advisory board and the Burton Albion Community Trust. The recently formed Brewers Union adds a splash of black and amber, and loud cheers, wherever the Brewers go. The Pirelli would not be what it is without the fans, and Burton Albion already goes way beyond what is required in this Bill. The work of the Burton Albion Community Trust, which was a strong focus of Ben Robinson as chairman, continues to touch so many lives on and off the pitch, from vaccinating local people to mental health support within our communities. That is not to mention the grassroots teams that the club supports across Burton and Uttoxeter, of which there are too many to mention. The fabric of our town would be totally changed were it not for Burton Albion. I am privileged to represent such a community-rooted club that uplifts lives every day. This Bill protects clubs like Burton Albion, it strengthens the future of the national game, and it puts communities back where they belong: at the heart of football. Up the Brewers.

• 28 Apr 2025 · Points of Order · Hansard source

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  On a point of order, Madam Deputy Speaker. At business questions last week, I asked a question related to JCB’s hydrogen diggers. Given that JCB was a sponsor of my constituency jobs fair, I should have referred the House to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests before asking that question. I seek your guidance, Madam Deputy Speaker, on how I can correct the record.

• 24 Apr 2025 · Lesbian Visibility Week · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend for giving way, and for securing debate. I know that she has spoken passionately about these issues over many decades and that, like me, she will have received lots of correspondence from concerned trans and LGBT+ constituents over the last few days. Does she agree that it is for the Labour Government to get on with advancing the LGBT rights in the manifesto—things like the trans-inclusive conversion therapy ban, modernisation of the Gender Recognition Act 2004 and making LGBT hate crime an aggravated offence?