Ian Byrne MP: speeches 2025

95 published records · newest first.

Speeches

  • 17 Jun 2025 · Disabled People in Poverty · Hansard source
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    Will my hon. Friend give way?

  • 17 Jun 2025 · Disabled People in Poverty · Hansard source
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    The Government got it completely wrong when they cut winter fuel payments last year, forcing them into a damaging U-turn this month. Does my hon. Friend agree that, rather than make another gross error by pushing through brutal cuts to disability support, the Government should admit their mistake, withdraw the plans and introduce a wealth tax instead?

  • 12 Jun 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source
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    Last September, in Liverpool, the Prime Minister promised my city and all those affected by state cover-ups that a Hillsborough law would be introduced before 15 April this year, the 36th anniversary of the Hillsborough disaster. Almost two months have passed since the Prime Minister missed that deadline. This is particularly disappointing, since a draft Hillsborough law written by legal experts and endorsed by survivors, families and campaigners is ready to go—it was proposed in Parliament by Andy Burnham. Will the Leader of the House allow time to discuss this matter, so that the Government can hear loud and clear the message from this place that a failure to introduce a Hillsborough law worthy of the name will be seen as a continuation of the betrayal of families and survivors of Hillsborough, and of all those affected by state cover-ups?

  • 10 Jun 2025 · Mother and Baby Institutions Payment Scheme: Capital Disregard · Hansard source
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    It is an honour to serve under your chairship, Ms Jardine. I am proud to speak in this debate, secured by my hon. Friend the Member for Beckenham and Penge (Liam Conlon). I applaud his tremendous dedication in campaigning for Philomena’s law. I am also here to represent Liverpool’s Irish community and diaspora, in particular the survivors and victims of the Irish mother and baby homes scandal. The survivors faced appalling treatment in those homes. I join colleagues in welcoming the Irish Government’s compensation scheme for survivors of the scandal. Many survivors came to England as a direct result of their experiences, either to flee their past or because they were sent overseas on leaving the homes. The Liverpool Echo reports that up to 40% of the 38,000 former residents eligible to apply for the compensation scheme now live in the UK. One of the survivors who came to England was Philomena Lee, after whom the law is of course named. Her father would not take her back after her time in the Abbey, so the Church sent her to work in a delinquent boys’ home in Liverpool. Philomena lived in my great city for the first two years of her time in England, before moving back. I join colleagues in welcoming Philomena’s daughter Jane and her grandson Josh, who are, as has been mentioned, in the Public Gallery today. My hon. Friend the Member for Beckenham and Penge highlighted that, as things stand, when survivors of the scandal who live in Britain accept the compensation owed to them, they risk losing access to means-tested social security support. Some face the choice between accepting the compensation and receiving the means-tested benefits they are entitled to. The proposed Philomena’s law would address that injustice by ringfencing compensation that is accepted so that it would not affect benefits or social care calculations—stopping a further injustice. I place on record my support for the Mother and Baby Institutions Payment Scheme (Report) Bill, and I join my hon. Friend in urging the Government to take up that proposal. I also place on record my thanks to that magnificent institution in my city, the Liverpool Irish Centre—a vital part of Liverpool’s social fabric and an institution I have enjoyed working with and visiting over a long time; I am extremely proud to frequent it on the odd occasion. I am very pleased to say that the Liverpool Irish Centre is working with Fréa to help those affected by the scandal, and I thank it for everything it does in this area. When I first read about what happened at Irish mother and baby homes, watched the film and saw how people in power initially responded, it really resonated with me. I have also seen at first hand the playbook that is used when institutions cover up wrongdoing and hide their mistakes. For me, it was Hillsborough where, just as with the mother and baby home scandal, we saw state institutions treat working-class people with contempt, only to deceive and conceal their wrongdoing. In this case, the institutional cover-up lasted for decades, with victims such as Philomena, who did not get the truth until her son had tragically passed away without ever knowing the love his mother had for him. The lack of accountability and justice for those victims and survivors lasted for far too long, but this is far from an isolated case. Here in Britain we also often see the pattern of state cover-ups and the refusal to accept wrongdoing and accountability. That is why we desperately need a Hillsborough law in the UK, ending the culture of cover-ups where state bodies commit acts against their own people only to try and hide them from those very people. I conclude by reiterating the call for Philomena’s law and by calling on the Government to introduce a Hillsborough law worthy of the name, as a legacy for all those who have suffered at the hands of the state. I hope my Government are listening intently to this, because we will accept nothing less than what the victims of all state cover-ups deserve.

  • 4 Jun 2025 · Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories · Hansard source
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    Yesterday, the United Nations human rights chief, Volker Türk—this must have broken everyone’s heart in this place—said: “Palestinians have been presented the grimmest of choices: die from starvation or risk being killed while trying to access the meagre food that is being made available through Israel’s militarised humanitarian assistance mechanism.” I feel like a broken record. What concrete actions will we take in this place, so that the Minister stands at the Dispatch Box and does something to change Israel’s psyche so that it listens to the world?

  • 14 May 2025 · Gaza: UK Assessment · Hansard source
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    The Minister has touched on the UK Government supplying the global pool of components for F-35 jets for international security and peace. Considering that we are seeing the live-streaming of a genocide against the Palestinian people—F-35s are a crucial part of that, and are being used to bomb civilian camps and hospitals—are the Government considering whether Israel, given its actions, should be part of that global pool?

  • 7 May 2025 · Personal Independence Payment: Disabled People · Hansard source
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    Last week, I held a citizens’ assembly in my constituency on the Government’s plans, and dozens of disabled people told me how frightened they were. Laurence, a disabled man who led the debate against the cuts, said: “Parliament is legislating to assist my suicide…while legislating to stop me from being able to live.” The fear in his words—they are his, not mine—cut through the room. I held a vote at the end of the meeting, and every single person voted against the cuts. If the proposed cuts are brought to Parliament, then, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington (John McDonnell) said about Tory cuts a decade ago, I will swim through vomit to vote against them. I cannot express to the Minister the scale of the devastation they will cause for disabled people in my constituency and across the country. The Government’s analysis shows that they will drive 250,000 more people into poverty and many others deeper into deprivation. This is not what the Labour party was formed to do. I conclude with this appeal to the Minister. We were elected last summer on a promise of change. These cruel cuts are not the change that people voted for. Last week, we saw the people’s judgment on unpopular, unnecessary and immoral cuts. For the sake of disabled people in Liverpool West Derby, and for the sake of basic decency and morality, abandon these cruel cuts, deliver the progressive change our country needs and stop austerity.

  • 6 May 2025 · Middle East Update · Hansard source
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    Israel is starving Gaza to death. I am sorry, Minister, but when Israel is using starvation as a weapon of war and Palestinians are being ethnically cleansed before our eyes, mere words of regret or condemnation from the Government are simply not good enough. We in this House will be judged in history for failing the Palestinian people, so I urge the Minister to listen to the consensus that is being built across the House today and act. We do not need words; we need action for the Palestinian people.

  • 28 Apr 2025 · Football Governance Bill [Lords] · Hansard source
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    I thank the Secretary of State for introducing the Bill to Parliament and building on the great work of former MP Dame Tracey Crouch. I am sure that Dame Tracey is, like me, absolutely bewildered by the new-found opposition of the shadow Secretary of State, the right hon. Member for Daventry (Stuart Andrew), to the Bill—unbelievable. I congratulate Lower Breck, a fantastic non-league football club in my constituency, on winning a thrilling game on Saturday to reach the play-off finals of the north-west counties premier league. It would of course be remiss of me not to mention the historic achievements of my beloved Liverpool football club, who yesterday won an incredible 20th league title. I thank Arne Slot, the team and staff at LFC for that wonderful achievement of putting our club back on the perch, and for giving all Red supporters a day—and a night—that will live long in the memory. The long-awaited Football Governance Bill represents an opportunity to fix the game once and for all, but I will touch on three areas where I feel we could strengthen the Bill for all who play and watch the beautiful game. We need a Bill that will tackle the pricing-out of working-class supporters. Of those announced, the majority of prices for 2025-26 have been frozen at premier league clubs, but that has only happened following a concerted and co-ordinated effort by fan groups, led by the Football Supporters’ Association. I commend the supporters who have driven that campaign—so many groups and people deserve a mention. For fans to put aside sectarian differences and campaign in such a way shows the level of concern about ticket prices. It has been a privilege to stand alongside many of those supporters. Despite the news that prices are frozen, the reality is that those prices are already too high, especially for younger fans. Thousands of young working-class supporters were priced out of Anfield yesterday, as some tickets were going for over £1,000. It remains of great concern that we are seeing a gradual reduction in season ticket and general admission numbers in favour of a growing number of hospitality and one-off admissions, at prohibitive costs for the regular fan. In 2025, the Premier League’s global and domestic commercial and broadcast revenue has gone up by 17% to £12.25 billion. There is no income problem in football; it is an expenditure and mismanagement problem that needs to be addressed. I therefore ask the Secretary of State to consider amendments to ensure that the new independent football regulator has involvement in ticket pricing, including by reporting on that activity in its “state of football” report and ensuring that fans have genuine input into their club’s ticketing policy through the structured engagement that it will oversee, and that the IFR undertakes a review of concessionary rates across the game to ensure that loyal younger and older fans are not priced out of their sport. We can never allow the greed of some owners who have no idea about the importance of this working-class game to the communities it should always serve. Today, on Workers’ Memorial Day, it is apt to remind the House that evidence shows that former professional footballers are four to five times more likely to develop dementia or other neurodegenerative conditions. Football families for Justice is now looking to Parliament to intervene, and I hope the Minister will listen to its calls and look at the amendments. Finally, it would be remiss of me not to mention how PSR—profitability and sustainability rules—are perceived by many to have unfairly targeted certain clubs, including the blue half of my city in the form of Everton. Many Evertonians believe that the Premier League’s handling of their case represents an abuse of process. They would like to see an amendment passed to this Bill, the Everton clause, giving the new regulator a backstop power to require the Premier League to rerun a PSR process if there were concerns about its fairness. As a minimum, supporters of all clubs should have the ability to appeal to the regulator to ensure fair and due process in PSR cases to prevent any perception of unbalanced treatment.

  • 18 Mar 2025 · Free School Meals · Hansard source
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    It is an honour to serve under your chairship, Mr Dowd. I hope that smile is because you are pleased to see me, and not because of Liverpool’s defeat on Sunday— [ Laughter. ] I thank the hon. Member for Eastleigh (Liz Jarvis) for securing this important debate. In January, the Joseph Rowntree Foundation published its first report on UK poverty since the new Labour Government took office. The report laid bare the horrific inheritance of the Conservatives. They departed office with three in 10 children in Britain living in poverty. The number of children growing up in the deepest form of poverty, defined as a household that cannot afford basics such as heating and eating, has more than doubled in the previous five years. In The Big Issue today, a survey of findings from frontline workers reports that 85,000 children are living in destitution—an increase of 21% since 2021—with 53% of families being supported unable to afford enough food for basic nutrition. I see that in my own constituency each week. Teachers and social workers on the frontline tell me that things are getting worse for the families they know are struggling, and this has played out in the reports from both the JRF and The Big Issue . Shockingly, the JRF report states that at the end of this Parliament, child poverty is set to be higher than it was at the beginning. For a Government with a mandate for change from an electorate tired after 14 years of austerity, and with a huge majority to put transformative policies into legislation if they wish, that would mark a catastrophic failure and a huge missed opportunity. We cannot afford for that to happen, and I know the Minister would not want it to happen. I am here to talk about one policy that would tackle that injustice. First, I again want to put on record my opposition to the central driver of rising levels of child poverty: the two-child benefit cap. As the Joseph Rowntree Foundation has said, if we want to combat poverty, we must abolish the two-child benefit cap. But that is not the only tool at our disposal to tackle child poverty. I am here to talk about another: universal free school meals. The case for universal free school meals is overwhelming and undeniable. Free school meals for all will ensure that every child has a hot, healthy meal each day, allowing children to eat, learn and grow together. That would tackle child poverty and disproportionately help working-class families, alleviating hunger and freeing up money for other essentials. That is why universal free school meals are a central demand of the Right to Food campaign, which I am proud to lead in Parliament. As colleagues will know, eligibility for free school meals is incredibly restrictive. Household incomes must be less than £7,400 to qualify, which means that almost 1 million children in Britain are living in poverty but are not eligible for free school meals. When the Right to Food campaign ran a consultation across the country during covid, so many parents said they were just above the threshold, living in struggling, difficult times. Those were my reflections when we drew up the Right to Food submission for Henry Dimbleby, but the picture varies across the country. As my hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool Riverside (Kim Johnson) touched on, universal provision ends after year 2 throughout the rest of England, but in London and Wales, and up to year 5 in Scotland, all primary pupils are entitled to free school meals. The evidence showing the benefits of that is growing by the day. After universal free school meals were rolled out across London’s primary schools thanks to Sadiq Khan, 84% of parents stated that the policy significantly helped to manage family finances. Studies show that free school meals improve children’s concentration, behaviour and academic attainment, benefiting children from deprived backgrounds most of all. Research from Sweden shows that free school meals improve children’s lifetime earnings. It is a no-brainer. There are also benefits outside the classroom. There are wards in my constituency with the highest child obesity rates in the country, and they are also some of the most economically deprived. That link between poverty and obesity is most clearly seen in children. Children in the most deprived fifth of the population are more than twice as likely to be living with obesity than those in the richest fifth. Children with free school meals consume more fruit and vegetables. Studies have shown that universal provision leads to reduced rates of obesity and health inequalities. I will put that fact to the Minister when I meet him later this month, with other MPs and the leader of Knowsley council. Councillor Morgan and the chief executive of Knowsley council have committed their borough to any pilot scheme with the Government to tackle this public health issue. If we fix this in Knowsley, we can roll it out nationwide. I hope the Minister listens to our arguments for a universal free school meal pilot in Knowsley when we meet him in a couple of weeks. If we add up the benefits, the economic case for universal free school meals is straightforward. According to research by PricewaterhouseCoopers, for every pound invested, there is a £1.71 return. Unlike tweaking eligibility rules, universal provision combats the stigma attached to those receiving free school meals. Later today, MPs will vote on the Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill. I warmly welcome the Bill’s introduction of school breakfast clubs, but I am supporting amendments to go further in tackling child poverty. I have tabled an amendment to put the holiday activities and food programme on a statutory footing, ensuring that children from the poorest households continue to have access to meals in school holidays into the future. I am also supporting an amendment to make free school meals for all primary pupils a reality throughout England. I finish by saying this to the Minister. When the country finally voted to get rid of the Tories last summer, it was not voting for child poverty to continue to rise; it was voting for change. The change this country desperately needs includes transformative policies such as universal free school meals. I urge the Government to get behind those amendments and this policy. That would positively change the future chances of millions of working-class kids, giving them a chance to live a long, healthy and productive life. Surely, Minister, that was what the Labour party was created to do, and it is certainly why I am in this job.

  • 18 Mar 2025 · Welfare Reform · Hansard source
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    Many will see the removal of £5 billion from the social security system not as reforms, but as the continuation of the failed ideology of Tory austerity, which has already cost thousands of lives. I have had hundreds of disabled constituents tell me that they are absolutely terrified by what the Government are planning to do. Does the Secretary of State really believe that it is fair to balance the books on the backs of disabled people and the poor, rather than introducing a wealth tax on the super-rich?

  • 17 Mar 2025 · Women’s Changed State Pension Age: Compensation · Hansard source
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    It is always a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Sir Edward. First, I offer an apology from my right hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington (John McDonnell). Normally he would have been here for this debate, but he is chairing a meeting on disability cuts as we speak. More than 5,000 women in my constituency of Liverpool West Derby are affected by these pension changes. I have sat down with many of them. Their lives have been changed forever by a political decision. They have had to scrap their plans and many of these proud women have been forced into poverty. The Minister who is here today cannot brush aside the fact that the Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman’s report on this issue, which was published in March 2024, vindicated the WASPI campaign’s assertion that WASPI women had been unjustly treated and had been denied money. The report made it clear that the DWP should acknowledge its failings and apologise for the impact that those failings had on the complainants and others affected. The ombudsman also ruled that compensation is owed, but because it cannot order compensation it was for the Government to determine the terms of redress. At last, we had a ruling that reflected the injustice and Parliament was given a clear instruction by the ombudsman to fix this mess. It was the expectation of many people, including myself, that the new Government would right this historical wrong and deliver compensation as a matter of urgency, in an amount that was fair and just. When the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions stood up and announced that no compensation at all would be paid to the WASPI women—women born in the 1950s—the shock and despair were felt across the UK. Those feelings were palpable, and the shock and anger felt by my constituents about this decision has been made absolutely crystal clear to me on a number of occasions. On Friday, Minister, I am opening a Centre for Social Justice office in Liverpool West Derby; I am absolutely sure that many women over 50 will be coming through the doors to ask for help after suffering so many blows from political choices made in this place. From the pension changes to austerity to the winter fuel payment cut, it is endless and it feels endless for these women. This is simply an injustice that must be put right. I told the previous Government in a similar debate last year: “This is an injustice that needs to be addressed urgently. It is completely unacceptable that the Government have so far refused to take action to right this wrong. There is nothing to stop the Government taking immediate action to provide compensation”. —[ Official Report, 12 March 2024; Vol. 747, c. 27WH.] Like many others in this debate, I have on a number of occasions pledged my support to the WASPI women and to women over 50. I stand steadfast by that pledge of support. I have been to Downing Street twice, most recently last month, to call for full restitution, as well as mediation with the groups. They have made an offer to work with the Government on how we can get out of this logjam. At Prime Minister’s questions in December, I asked the Prime Minister to let Parliament decide whether compensation should be paid. I call on the Minister today to ensure we have a free vote, so that we get a true reflection of the will of Parliament. The current position is the wrong position, and I urge the Government to rethink their stance. It the ombudsman’s position, it undermines office of the ombudsman, and indeed it undermines faith in this place, which has been shaken to the core for so many of these women. I know from speaking to women in my constituency how much hurt it has caused and continues to cause. The sense of betrayal from politics, this place and our Government is absolutely palpable. On behalf of the many Liverpool West Derby constituents affected by this injustice, I urge the Minister and the Government to rethink, to change course and to sit down with these women for mediation, so that eventually we can award compensation to all those affected by this grievous injustice.

  • 11 Mar 2025 · Employment Rights Bill · Hansard source
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    I place proudly on the record that I am currently a member of Unite and GMB. I refer hon. Members to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests. I take the opportunity to pay tribute to my good friend Terry Jones, a brilliant Scouse trade unionist who sadly passed away this morning. He supported the Bill wholeheartedly. Forty-five years after Margaret Thatcher began her war on trade unions, the Bill is hugely welcome and long overdue. It is a step to turn back the tide and strengthen the power of workers. In a former life as an industrial organiser for Unite the union, I saw how difficult it was to build industrial strength in workplaces because of the restrictive legislation supported by previous Governments of all colours. The Bill will hopefully begin at long last to turn back that tide. Hon. Members have already discussed key measures in the Bill, and there is so much to welcome. I congratulate the Minister on his efforts in getting the Bill to this place, and I also congratulate him and his team on taking two points off Arsenal, which helped us no end on Sunday. The Bill needs to be not the end, though, but the beginning of a renewal of trade union rights. If we want to tackle the injustices done to the working class from low pay and poverty to sordid inequality, we need to empower the institutions that were founded to fight for the working class. Be in no doubt about the scale of the problem: 60% of those who use the nine food pantries run across Liverpool are in work, including public sector workers from nurses to Department for Work and Pensions workers. Let that sink in: 60% of those relying on emergency food aid are in work. That tells us how broken the labour market is for so many people. Economic growth goes hand in hand with fixing the broken economic settlement, hence the importance of the Bill. I will focus my comments on the amendments but, for the record, tomorrow we will debate two new clauses that I have tabled about upholding trade union rights and outsourcing. My amendments for debate today—amendments 326 and 327—are aimed at strengthening protections against unfair dismissals, but in my brief time I will focus on amendments tabled by colleagues. My hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough and Thornaby East (Andy McDonald) has tabled a series of crucial amendments to strengthen the Bill. He deserves a huge amount of credit for getting the Bill to this place. His amendments include amendments 265 to 267, which would enhance the Bill’s provisions against zero-hours contracts. Those contracts leave workers with precious little control over their lives, allowing bosses to dictate shifts with little or no notice, with workers vulnerable to gross exploitation. It is no wonder that workers overwhelmingly prefer regular contracts. For example, when Wetherspoons introduced the option of guaranteed hours for its workforce, 99% of workers opted for that, with just 1% choosing the zero-hours contract model. The amendments would help ensure that when we say we are banning exploitative zero-hours contracts, we actually mean it. My hon. Friend has also tabled new clauses 62 to 65, which would strengthen the Bill’s protections against the disgraceful practice of fire and rehire. I saw in my own family the devastating impact that this cruel practice can have in destroying livelihoods when my brother was a victim of fire and rehire at British Gas. This immoral practice should never again be able to be used by rogue employees as a weapon against the working classes of this country. I fully support those strengthening new clauses. My hon. Friend the Member for Bradford East (Imran Hussain) has tabled amendment 7, which would raise statutory sick pay to the level of the national living wage, and new clause 102, which would guarantee that workers do not lose out under the new fair earnings replacement proposals. We should have learned from the pandemic that no one should be forced into work when they are ill. Those amendments and others would help to make that a reality. I really hope that the Minister and Front-Bench Members are listening. The devastating consequences of Thatcherism’s assault on working-class communities and trade unions are seen in towns and cities across the country. Once vibrant industrial towns have been hollowed out and industries destroyed, with insecure work replacing well-paid, unionised jobs. The never-ending doom loop must be broken if we are to rebuild communities that at the moment feel forgotten, betrayed and abandoned by successive Governments since Thatcher. The Bill must be a decisive step in breaking away from a failed settlement and finally building a country that works for us all.

  • 12 Feb 2025 · Fuel Poverty: England · Hansard source
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    It is an honour, Mr Efford, to serve under your chairship. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Normanton and Hemsworth (Jon Trickett) for securing this hugely important debate; I have enjoyed the contributions to it. According to the latest data from the House of Commons Library, almost one in five people—17%—in my constituency of Liverpool West Derby are living in fuel poverty, which is a shocking figure. However, that was the figure in 2022. Today the figure will be even higher, because as energy bills have gone up, so have the rates of fuel poverty. National Energy Action estimates that in October 2021 4.5 million UK households were in fuel poverty. By January of this year, that figure had risen to 6.1 million. For older people, fuel poverty is linked to increased risk of stroke, heart attack, flu and hypothermia, and children growing up in cold, damp and mouldy homes suffer from higher rates of respiratory infections and asthma. I speak to my great friend Dr Ian Sinha from Alder Hey Children’s Hospital about the devastating impact of fuel poverty on children’s health, and we will always remember Awaab Ishak, who died because he lived in awful conditions. That is why in September I voted to oppose the means-testing of the winter fuel allowance. In the run-up to that vote, I received more correspondence from constituents than at any other time in my five years as a Member of Parliament. They told me about the devastating impact that the cuts would have. Jennifer was terrified about the impact the cut would have on her and her husband’s declining health. Again and again and again, people told me how frightened they were about losing the allowance and the upcoming winter. I was true to my word and voted on their behalf, but I desperately regret that the cut went ahead. Things are set to get worse. Forecasts suggest that the energy price cap could rise by nearly 3% in April. As chair of the all-party parliamentary group on motor neurone disease, I have heard first hand about the impact of the cuts within the motor neurone disease community. Along with 40 other MPs from across Parliament, I signed a letter to the Chancellor about the impact of this cut. Research shows that people living with motor neurone disease spend an estimated £14,500 extra to cope with cold conditions. The decision to restrict the winter fuel payments to those receiving means-tested benefits will acutely impact the MND community. Ian Lev, an MND sufferer, said that “My bills will increase in the winter because we must keep our bodies warm. This is a real kick in the pants for me, because I need everything I can. In my nine years of motor neurone disease, my expenditure has been approximately £100,000.” And Alex Massey from the Motor Neurone Disease Association says that “Means-testing the Winter Fuel Payment will take no account of the unavoidable costs of living with a highly disabling condition like MND. People coping with this devastating condition do not deserve to lose the support they rely on this winter.” Even as more people are dragged into fuel poverty, the energy companies, as has been outlined already, continue to make a killing. Just yesterday, BP announced record annual profits of £8 billion. Collectively, 20 energy companies have made a staggering £483 billion in profits since the start of the energy bill crisis. Sky-high energy bills for our constituents equals obscene profits for these giant corporations. To conclude, I really welcome the Government’s review of the fuel poverty strategy. We should tax energy companies and end fuel poverty, reintroduce the winter fuel allowance as a universal benefit to ensure that nobody falls through the cracks, committing to a social tariff—to lower energy bills for low-income households—and to ramping up the warm home plan to insulate homes across the country, in order to cut both bills and carbon. I really hope that all these things are in the Government’s review.

  • 10 Feb 2025 · Border Security, Asylum and Immigration Bill · Hansard source
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    First, I welcome the Government’s commitment to scrapping the costly and inhumane Rwanda plan, repealing much of the previous Government’s draconian legislation, and overturning the pause on processing asylum applications. They have averted a meltdown by cutting the delays built in by the previous Government. The Government are also right to seek to tackle the vicious smuggling gangs that prey on the most vulnerable, but how we do so is key to the success of those efforts. I despair of the toxic, dehumanising political narrative around immigration over recent years, which has solved nothing and has driven division and hostility towards migrants in our communities, as we saw during last summer’s racist violence. From immigration mugs to Rwanda, from Reform to blue Labour, the spiral of doom on this issue continues apace. The shameless posturing of politicians who wish to make their name on the back of this issue, driving division, is one of the most unedifying parts of this job and this place. Just last week, the hon. Member for Clacton (Nigel Farage) was praising Trump’s horrific statement about ethnically cleansing Gaza of the people it belongs to—a plan that will create over 1.6 million refugees if, God forbid, it comes to fruition. I cannot help but wonder how many of those freshly created refugees would be invited to build a new life in Clacton. I also worry that by focusing too extensively on deterrence and enforcement, the Government will miss a vital opportunity to tackle the deep-rooted, systemic issues that are truly at the heart of inequality in our country. If we solve the economic issues, we will begin to heal as a nation, and the toxicity around this debate will lose its power. I have discussed migration many times with concerned constituents, and I really value those conversations, but I was told during one such conversation that we have a shortage of housing due to immigrants and that constituents cannot see a GP because of immigrants. I will repeat in this Chamber what I told my constituent: between 1946 and 1981, as a nation, we built 5 million council homes. Since 1981, we have built 250,000, and Liverpool has not built a council house for 36 years. Thatcher’s legacy, not migration, is where the finger should point for our present-day housing crisis. Speaking of myths, despite the best attempts of some sections of the media to portray asylum seekers as living a life of luxury at the expense of UK taxpayers, the reality is quite different. It is often the private companies, contracted to run the Government’s immigration services and house asylum seekers in awful conditions, that reap the benefits. Serco’s 2023 half-year results stated that revenues had increased by 13%, with financial statements citing that rise in profits as being partly due to “strong demand for immigration services”. The destruction of the NHS by 14 years of austerity and decades of privatisation is why people cannot get a GP appointment or receive treatment in A&E. It is immigrants who helped build the NHS. A man recently told me that he was a true patriot, and that immigration is responsible for everything he was suffering economically. I reflected on those words—“true patriot”—and the narrative being spun around who is and is not worthy to live on these isles. My brother recently had our DNA tested, and we discovered that we are 65% Irish, 25% Scottish, 9% Welsh and, surprisingly, 1% Danish, but 0% English—Scouse not English, you might say. However, I am fiercely proud to come from these isles and from my great city of Liverpool, with its melting pot of cultures built on immigration. That is how I define patriotism, rather than by race or religion, which is a road I fear many are taking right now in a race to the bottom with Trump’s America. To conclude, let us stop demonising those who come to the UK in search of safety, security and a better life. Let us nurture humanity, not hatred, and revisit the methods used to house, support and integrate migrants upon their arrival in the UK. As I have said, immigration forms the very foundation of my great city, and we are all richer for it. We know that when it is managed badly, immigration can breed fear, anger and hatred, but that is not inevitable. Managed well, and with the right support in place for local communities and migrants, immigration can reap benefits for us all. I will watch this Bill with great interest as it progresses, to see whether it delivers the fair, humane and effective immigration system this country so desperately needs.

  • 28 Jan 2025 · Gaza: Humanitarian Situation · Hansard source
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    At the weekend, President Trump called for a “clean out” of the Gaza strip, proposing to forcibly deport Gaza’s more than 2 million Palestinian inhabitants. That would amount to ethnic cleansing and a crime against humanity. Will the Minister join me in condemning President Trump’s remarks, and will she set out what action the UK Government would take to prevent the ethnic cleansing of Gaza?

  • 27 Jan 2025 · Free School Meals · Hansard source
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    1. What assessment she has made of the potential merits of introducing free school meals for all primary school pupils.

  • 27 Jan 2025 · Free School Meals · Hansard source
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    Knowsley, an area in my constituency, has the highest proportion of obese and overweight children in England, according to NHS data. Knowsley council’s director of public health recently described to me how this was an issue of poverty and deprivation. We know from research into universal free school meals in London that such a policy can reduce obesity rates by up to 10%. Earlier this month, I got unanimous support from the council when I suggested that Knowsley could be a perfect test bed for the roll-out of universal free school meals. Will the Minister meet me and the leader of Knowsley council to discuss that possibility?

  • 20 Jan 2025 · Obesity: Food and Diet · Hansard source
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    I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Stroud (Dr Opher) on getting this important debate in the House. People sometimes talk about rising levels of obesity as simply a consequence of individual choices; they say the issue is no more complex than the fact that people are choosing not to eat healthily and not to exercise regularly. But if we talk to any expert, academic or parent struggling to put food on the table, they will say that the truth is much more complicated, because rising rates of obesity are deeply tied to social and economic changes. Over the past 30 years, obesity rates have doubled while people’s knowledge of nutrition has not declined. Instead, experts point to the changes in the food environment. Unhealthy food has become much cheaper, easier to access and more convenient, while healthy options have become more expensive, harder to access and less convenient. The facts bear that out. Today, fruit and vegetables cost twice as much per calorie as foods high in fat and sugar. To eat in line with the Government’s recommended diet, the most deprived fifth of UK households would need to spend 50% of their disposable income on food, while the richest fifth would need to spend just 11%, according to research from the Food Foundation. It is little wonder, therefore, that the most deprived fifth of households eat more than a third less fruit and vegetables compared with the wealthiest fifth. Although everyone is affected by the food environment, it does not affect everyone equally. It is harder for working-class families to afford healthy and nutritious food—that is beyond doubt. That link between poverty and obesity is clearly seen among children. Those in the most deprived fifth of the population are more than twice as likely to be living with obesity than those in the richest fifth. Children in Knowsley, which forms part of my constituency, have some of the highest rates of obesity in the country. The fantastic director of public health at Knowsley council, Sarah McNulty, says that that is a poverty and deprivation issue. It does not have to be this way. Instead of a food system that pumps out unhealthy food while millions struggle to put a meal on the table, we could have a system that guarantees everyone a good, healthy diet—putting an end to the scandal of hunger and food banks. That is the demand of the Right to Food campaign, which I am very proud to lead in Parliament. It seeks first and foremost to end the injustice of food poverty, but also to ensure that food is of high quality and healthy. That means everything from ensuring that high-street planning encourages healthy eating, and building a proper safety net to get people out of food banks, to introducing universal free school meals and opening community kitchens. We know the effects that those policies have in tackling food poverty and obesity. Academic studies show that in the London boroughs that have provided free school meals for all primary school pupils, the prevalence of obesity has been reduced by around 10%. In Liverpool, co-operatives such as Food for Thought, a non-profit company that produces school meals, are waiting to go on free school meals. Many areas in Liverpool are classed as food deserts, with healthy food in short supply and unaffordable for people who are struggling to get by after the cost of living crisis and 14 years of grinding austerity. Just 24% of adults in my great city of Liverpool eat five portions of fruit and vegetables every day. In 2019, Fans Supporting Foodbanks—an organisation we set up in 2015—created the market-style mobile food pantry model to tackle the issue of food deserts in Liverpool, which has since fed thousands of families across Liverpool and St Helens in a non-stigmatising manner, with fresh fruit and vegetables an absolutely fundamental part of the offering. I take this opportunity to place on the record my thanks to all the volunteers who have created that unique model and made it such a success; it has made such a difference to lots of communities across Liverpool. Since 2017, the Rose vouchers for fruit and veg project has supported struggling families in Liverpool to access fruit and veg. Almost £300,000-worth of fresh fruit and veg has been bought with the vouchers, enabling almost 5,000 people to access healthy options and avoid food poverty. Such community-led solutions, which put people before profit, are one way we can help those in our communities who are struggling to access healthy and affordable food. I take this opportunity once again to thank everybody involved in those projects. Both those fantastic schemes are sticking plasters over a gaping wound. We need systemic change. Implementing a right to food is not the art of the impossible; it is in the Government’s gift. Its funding could be underpinned by a high fat, salt and sugar levy on food producers. The remodelling of our food system into one that keeps the population and future generations healthy is a political choice. For the sake of future generations, I hope that the Government make the right choice.

  • 13 Jan 2025 · Hospice and Palliative Care · Hansard source
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    I thank the hon. Member for Wimbledon (Mr Kohler) for securing this important debate and for his passionate contribution. It is shocking that, on average, only one third of hospice funding is provided by government, with the rest coming from charitable donations. Rising costs, inconsistent income and a shortage of state funding have left the hospice sector in a precarious position. Indeed, many have had to cut back on the services they can offer and are struggling to meet growing need. A recent meeting of the all-party parliamentary group on hospice and end of life care made for a sobering experience for all the MPs present, because every representative from the hospice sector outlined their fear around the future. I am blessed to have both Claire House and Zoe’s Place children’s hospices in my constituency of Liverpool West Derby, but we witnessed first-hand last year the seriousness of the situation for hospices with the threatened closure of Zoe’s Place, which rocked us all to the core in my great city. It was unthinkable that something so precious should be lost, but, due to the lack of funds, it was going to happen. However, the community of Liverpool and beyond rose to the challenge by raising an incredible £5 million in 30 days to ensure that this amazing place could remain open. While I have the chance, I want to thank every single individual and organisation who worked relentlessly to make this happen: without them all, the city of Liverpool would have lost Zoe’s Place. There are so many that I could name, but let me thank the Steve Morgan Foundation, the 64 Trust and TJ Morris for underpinning this remarkable community effort. They should not have had to do this. I am pleased, then, that in December the Government recognised the crisis faced by hospices and committed £126 million to the sector, with £100 million of one-off funding and a one-year extension of the children’s hospice grant, but this is still only a sticking plaster. Hospices need consistent, reliable funding that accurately reflects the cost of care and their value in society to be able to meet the growing demand for palliative and end of life care, to ensure that people have the best possible experience at the end of their lives, and to prevent future funding crises. Hospice sector leaders have estimated that the need for palliative care in the UK will increase by 25% over the next 25 years, and it is clear that long-term reform of the hospice funding model is necessary to ensure that this demand can be met. That is why I back the calls from Hospice UK for the Government to commit themselves to a long-term reform of hospice funding in their 10-year plan for the NHS. I have a couple of questions for the Minister, who has been superb in supporting me over Zoe’s Place. Will the Government ensure that the confirmed £26 million NHS England funding for children’s hospices for 2025-26 is ringfenced, distributed centrally, and increased in line with inflation in subsequent years, and does the Minister recognise the strong preference among children’s hospices for that £26 million to be distributed as a centrally managed and ringfenced grant rather than being distributed via integrated care boards? Without ongoing Government support and a fresh funding model, what nearly happened to Zoe’s Place in Liverpool will happen elsewhere. Hospices will undoubtedly close down. The problems are systemic, and it will take Government action to fix that. The city of Liverpool rose to the challenge to save Zoe’s Place; now this place has to rise to the challenge as well, and give all hospices the funding that they need to survive. This cannot wait, because all who rely on these incredible services do not have time on their side.

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