Gareth Davies MP: speeches

Speeches

• 19 Mar 2025 · National Insurance Contributions (Secondary Class 1 Contributions) Bill · Hansard source

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  The problem with that intervention is that the chairman of GB Energy himself disagrees about the number of jobs that it will supposedly be creating. I have set out clearly some of the things that we would do differently, and the different choices we would make from the choices this Labour Government are making. When we talk about small businesses, and about the impact of this national insurance tax increase on businesses as a whole, the Minister and other Labour Members incorrectly suggest that only the largest businesses will be forced to pay this jobs tax. As I have told them consistently in every debate we have had on this Bill, that is simply not the case. Village butchers, high street hair salons and community pharmacies are not what most people would regard as large businesses, yet businesses such as those will be hit. If the Government really want to ensure that our smallest businesses are exempt from at least part of this damaging tax, they should support the Lords amendments that are before us today.

• 4 Mar 2025 · Draft Double Taxation Relief and International Tax Enforcement (Belarus) (Revocation) Order 2025 Draft Double Taxation Relief (Russian Federation) (Revocation) Order 2025 · Hansard source

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  It is a great pleasure to see you in the Chair, Dr Huq. It is also a great pleasure to see the Minister. It has been so long since we last saw each other—it must be at least two hours. I am grateful to the Minister for laying these statutory instruments, which will revoke the double taxation conventions with Belarus and Russia. Russia fell out of compliance with all material provisions of its convention with the UK in August 2023, with Belarus following in March 2024. The UK did not immediately accept the suspensions and urged both countries to reverse their decisions and return to compliance with the conventions. However, given Russia and Belarus’s persistent refusal to comply with their international obligations, the UK has now rightly taken the decision to revoke both the 2018 and 1994 orders. I am pleased to say that His Majesty’s Opposition support these statutory instruments, which are a proportionate and sensible step given Russia and Belarus’s continuing breach of their international obligations. Of course, the measures build on steps taken by the previous Government in response to the invasion of Ukraine and the non-compliance with international obligations. For example, back in March 2022, we suspended co-operation with Russia and Belarus on exchanging and sharing tax information. We support today’s measures, but I end by asking for one small point of clarification. The conventions state that signatories must give six months’ notice to terminate the agreement. Has the UK provided that notice, or did Russia’s unilateral suspension of the convention mean that such notice was no longer required?

• 4 Mar 2025 · Regional Growth: England · Hansard source

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  The Chancellor has lauded the new National Wealth Fund as a key part of the Government’s regional growth ambitions. The trouble is, it is not actually new; it is just the UK Infrastructure Bank with a new colour scheme and £7 billion it did not need. The Prime Minister announced at a recent Labour party political conference that he will allocate £200 million from the National Wealth Fund for Grangemouth, but it is supposed to be operationally independent. Will the Minister therefore confirm that that is still the case and that the full independent investment process was followed? Will he also confirm that the unexpected resignation of the National Wealth Fund CEO just days before that announcement is not connected?

• 4 Feb 2025 · National Insurance Contributions · Hansard source

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  I welcome the opportunity to contribute on behalf of His Majesty’s Opposition. As the Minister said, the first statutory instrument sets rates, limits and thresholds for national insurance contributions for the 2025-26 tax year. It covers the rate of class 2 NICs, the small profits threshold, the rate of voluntary class 3 NICs, the zero-rate relief on secondary class 1 NICs for qualifying armed forces veterans—a Conservative Government legacy that we are very proud of—and the various upper secondary thresholds and the upper limits and thresholds that determine class 1 NICs. These regulations also allow for payments of a Treasury grant not exceeding 5% of the estimated benefit expenditure for the 2025-26 tax year. This is to be made into the national insurance fund, with a corresponding provision for Northern Ireland. We welcome the uprating with CPI of the class 1 lower earnings limit and the class 2 small profits threshold, but the overall picture in these regulations is one of continuity, not of change. The secondary threshold, however, is the exception. Although the regulations leave it unchanged, that will not last for very long. They will be overridden by the National Insurance Contributions (Secondary Class 1 Contributions) Bill, which is under consideration in the other place. It will cut the secondary threshold from a weekly level of £176 to £96 in the coming tax year, on top of raising the secondary class 1 NICs rate to 15%. The disastrous, job-destroying consequences of Labour’s £25 billion tax on working people are well known by now, and have been debated in this place many times. They are also widely acknowledged, from the independent Office for Budget Responsibility to the left-wing Resolution Foundation. This time last year, when in opposition, the Minister put on record his concern over the distributional impact of the freezes on allowances, limits and thresholds, which his Government are in large part continuing. We accept that these are difficult decisions, but we took them to return the public finances to a sustainable footing in the aftermath of the double crisis of the pandemic and the energy price shock driven by the disgraceful invasion of Ukraine. If the Minister was concerned about the distributional impact back then, and in particular about “the post-tax income for low and middle earners” —[ Official Report, Sixth Delegated Legislation Committee, 7 February 2024; c. 6.] , I wonder just how concerned he is now, in the context of his own party’s Budget. The Institute for Fiscal Studies has shown that the largest percentage increases in labour costs will be inflicted on lower-wage workers; meanwhile, as much as 76% of the additional tax burden will be passed on to those same workers in the form of lower real wages, according to the independent OBR. Does the Minister agree with the OBR and the IFS on the distributional impact of the NICs tax hike?

• 4 Feb 2025 · National Insurance Contributions · Hansard source

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  I completely agree with the point that my hon. Friend is making, which has also been made to me by several local businesses in my constituency. This is a double whammy. We have a tax increase that will increase the cost of doing business and affect the profitability of businesses and, in some cases, their survival; in addition, they are being hit with additional regulation, which businesses themselves, including the CBI, have made clear will add to the burden of regulation and make it less easy to hire people and, in some cases, to keep them. This double whammy, I am afraid, will result in job freezes at best, and, in some tragic cases, to job losses. I think we should all be very concerned about that. To be fair to the Minister, he has in the past expressed great concern about the lower-paid in our society across all constituencies. Has he therefore undertaken his own distributional analysis of changes to national insurance rates, limits and thresholds in the round? If he has, does that analysis show anything different from what the OBR and the IFS have shown? I would like to highlight the fact that the impact note for this specific statutory instrument predates the October Budget. I hope there is an updated impact analysis to consider the new context—surely there is. I would be grateful if the Minister could confirm that and show it to us. Finally, I would be grateful if the Minister could confirm whether the Treasury is considering an extension of the veterans zero-rate relief beyond 2026, or whether that will now act as a final sunset date for the relief. He is absolutely right to say that we all have a part to play in highlighting this relief to businesses. We all want to see veterans hired in our country. My constituency has one of the largest populations of veterans, and I, with others on the Opposition Benches, will certainly join the Minister in doing anything we can to better inform businesses of this benefit. However, it would be good if he could confirm whether there are any plans or intentions to extend the relief beyond the 2026 point set out in the regulations. As the Minister said, the second statutory instrument uprates child benefit and guardian’s allowance in line with CPI for the 2025-26 tax year. These benefits are an important part of our welfare system, and we welcome the vital support that they provide. However, as the Joseph Rowntree Foundation has pointed out, “Work is the most important route out of poverty”, and we agree. Between 2010 and 2024, Conservative Governments helped to create 4 million jobs. The proportion of children living in workless households fell from 16% to 10%. Even as employment increased, the proportion of all jobs considered low paid declined from 20% in 2010 to just 3.4% in 2024, which I hope the whole House welcomes and recognises. Labour has never left office with unemployment lower than it found it, and within four months of its first Budget unemployment is on the rise, with the number of workers on payrolls dropping by the most we have seen since the peak of the pandemic. Meanwhile, the OBR says that Labour’s jobs tax will weigh on real wages. With inflation also expected to rise in the near term, and many of the Minister’s Back-Bench Labour colleagues no doubt taking the view that child benefit provision is not generous enough, have the Government prepared an assessment of the impact of their Budget measures on levels of child poverty over the next 12 months, and in particular of the impact their jobs tax may have through higher unemployment and lower pay? Finally, is the Minister confident that this uprating will cancel out any adverse consequences of the Budget, such as those I have raised?

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  The clauses tackle tax avoidance in limited liability partnerships and their participants, as the Minister pointed out. Tax avoidance is something that we took very seriously when in government, and made some great progress on, so we will not oppose this latest measure.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  As the Minister said, clause 77 uprates the plastic packaging tax in line with inflation. The provisions in this Finance Bill are pretty much identical to those that we put forward in the Finance Act 2024, and we will not be opposing them; but on this particular tax measure, I seem to remember the now Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury questioning me about the possibility of an impact report or assessment, and I just wonder how much progress he is making with that.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Thanks to clause 85, I do not think anything remains to be interpreted, so I will sit down. Question put and agreed to. Clause 85 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 86 Short title Question proposed , That the clause stand part of the Bill.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  The clause provides the Treasury with the powers to make regulations for the OECD cryptoasset reporting framework which, as the Minister pointed out, we signed up for when in government. I have one question, which has come up quite a lot in the industry and perhaps even in the Minister’s previous role outside politics, and it relates to the name. It is called the cryptoasset reporting framework, but many in the outside world refer to cryptocurrency. What is the Government’s position on what a crypto is? Is it a cryptoasset or is it a cryptocurrency? What is the difference? A lot of people would appreciate that clarification on this complex subject. As I said, we do not oppose the clause; we signed up to the framework when in government.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Clause 75 amends the landfill tax rates to increase them in line with RPI, adjusted to account for high inflation between 2022 and 2024. As the Minister knows, when in government, we uprated landfill tax in line with RPI in the 2023 and 2024 Finance Acts. We also reduced the landfill tax gap from £275 million in 2017-18 to £100 million in 2022-23. How will the Government continue those strong efforts to further reduce the gap? I know it particularly exercised the Minister when he was in opposition—he certainly asked me a lot of questions on it. We will not oppose the clause, and I cannot wait to find out the Lib Dem position on it.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  Let me just gather my speech. [ Laughter. ] Clause 84 makes some of the more technical and minor amendments to various pieces of legislation, so in the interests of good housekeeping if nothing else, His Majesty’s Official Opposition has no point to raise on the matter. Question put and agreed to. Clause 84 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 85 Interpretation Question proposed , That the clause stand part of the Bill.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  As the Minister said, the clause uprates the aggregates levy in line with inflation. These provisions in this Finance Bill are pretty much identical to those that we put forward in the Finance Act 2024. It is therefore right that we do not oppose them. Question put and agreed to. Clause 76 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clause 77 Rate of plastic packaging tax Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  As the Minister said, the clause amends the main rates of the climate change levy from April 2026, in line with RPI, for electricity, gas and other taxable commodities, while continuing to freeze the rate for LPG. We will not oppose the measures in the clause. I was pleased to see the Government confirm their plans to extend the climate change agreement scheme at the Budget. The scheme allows energy-intensive industries to claim a discount on the climate change levy, subject to taking steps towards increasing their energy efficiency and reducing emissions. At autumn statement 2023, we announced a new six-year CAA scheme, and I am genuinely pleased that the Government have chosen to reaffirm our announcement and take that forward, following consultation. However, as the Minister may expect, I want to raise an issue with her. It has been raised at oral questions, so will not be a surprise to her. There have been several reports in recent weeks about the UK chemicals industry that are directly relevant to climate change and the CCA scheme, as the Minister will know better than me. Sir Jim Ratcliffe has warned that the UK chemicals industry is at risk of “extinction”. His firm, INEOS, closed its synthetic ethanol plant at Grangemouth this month, which will result in the loss of many jobs. That was the last remaining synthetic ethanol plant in the country. Given the ongoing concerns, I would be grateful if the Minister could provide an update on what consideration has been given to the UK chemicals industry in calibrating these policies. As the Minister knows, the UK chemicals industry is the third-largest manufacturing sector in this country. It contributes £30 billion to our economy and directly employs 138,000 people across the country in 4,100 businesses. I presume that the Chancellor has met representatives of the sector, but I would like to hear the Minister confirm that, given how topical this issue is, how concerned the industry is and how widely reported the issues have been.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

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  It will be no surprise that we have nothing to add, but as this is the last time I will speak, let me take this opportunity, before you get too emotional, Ms Vaz, to thank you and Mr Mundell, the Clerks, all the officials who have supported the Ministers and, in particular, on my behalf and that of my office, the Chartered Institute of Taxation and the Association of Taxation Technicians. I put on the record my thanks to Luke Pike in my office, who provided great support throughout the preparation stage, and to all Committee members—including the Lib and the Dem over there and my frenemies across the way. In particular, I thank the hon. Member for Halesowen, who grabbed me on the way out of the first sitting and told me that this is the best Bill Committee he has ever served on. It is completely irrelevant that this is the first one he has ever served on—tell him it is all downhill from here. I will let my hon. Friend the Member for North West Norfolk take it from here. Question put and agreed to. Clause 86 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill. New Clause 1 Rate of vehicle excise duty for haulage vehicles other than showman’s vehicles “(1) In paragraph 7(3A) of Schedule 1 to VERA 1994 (which specifies the rate of vehicle excise duty applicable to haulage vehicles other than showman’s vehicles), for £350’ substitute ‘£365’. (2) The amendment made by this section has effect in relation to licences taken out on or after 1 April 2025.”— (James Murray.) This new clause provides for an increase in the rate of vehicle excise duty applicable to haulage vehicles other than showman’s vehicles. Brought up, read the First and Second time, and added to the Bill. New Clause 2 Review of sections 63 and 64 “(1) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must, within six months of the passing of this Act and every six months thereafter, review the impact of the measures contained in sections 63 and 64 of this Act. (2) Each review must consider the impact of the measures on— (a) Scotch whisky distilleries, (b) small spirit distilleries, (c) wine producers and wholesalers, (d) the hospitality industry, and (e) those operating in the night-time economy. (3) Each review must also examine the expected effect of the measures on exports and the domestic wine trade. (4) A report setting out the findings of each review must be published and laid before both Houses of Parliament.”— (Mr MacDonald.) Brought up, and read the First time. Question put, That the clause be read a Second time.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  My hon. Friend the Member for North West Norfolk will speak to this clause, Ms Vaz.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  The Minister may think that this is a minor issue—and he will be pleased to know that I agree with him. [ Laughter. ] I am just waking everybody up. The requirement is redundant and we will not oppose the clause.

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  It is, as always, a great pleasure to see you in the Chair, Ms Vaz. As the Minister set out, clauses 58 to 60 make amendments to requirements for inheritance tax exemptions involving employee benefit trusts. Clause 58 provides that restrictions on shareholders and connected persons benefiting from employee benefit trusts will now apply for the lifetime of the trust. Clause 59 provides that no more than 25% of employees who receive income payments from an EBT can be connected to the shareholders in the company. Clause 60 provides that shares will now need to have been held for at least two years prior to being transferred to the EBT. As the Minister said, the measures follow on from the consultation launched in 2023, which we referred to when we discussed clause 31 and employee ownership trusts. Although we will not oppose the clauses, I would be grateful if the Minister could comment on one specific issue that was raised during the consultation on the changes. In response to the measure introduced by clause 59, concerns were raised at consultation on behalf of smaller companies using EBTs that may now be forced to exclude certain employees from participating in share scheme arrangements in order to comply with the new requirement. What was the Minister’s assessment of that particular impact? Is he content that the benefits of the changes outweigh that particular risk cited in during the consultation?

• 30 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  As the Minister said, clause 61 brings land managed under an environmental agreement—be that with the UK Government, devolved Governments, public bodies, local authorities or approved responsible bodies—within the scope of agricultural property relief. I am afraid we have here Labour taking with one hand and providing far less with the other. For the £5 million, which we welcome, that they will give back to farmers each year with this measure, they will take away some £500 million a year through the family farm tax, if the Office for Budget Responsibility’s highly uncertain costings are to be believed. Many farmers, and bodies such as the National Farmers Union, have raised concerns about this. The Chartered Institute of Taxation has queried why the relief remains limited to schemes entered into with public authorities, rather than allowing enterprising landowners to enter into other schemes. I would be interested to hear the Minister’s thoughts on that, but we will not oppose the measure.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  As the Minister said, clause 40 and schedule 9 abolish the remittance basis of taxation for foreign income and gains from 2025-26. Clause 41 and schedule 10 create a temporary repatriation facility, or TRF, to allow former remittance-based taxpayers to bring historical foreign income and gains into the UK at a lower rate of tax. Clause 42 and schedule 11 allow for foreign assets to be rebased to their value in 2017 for capital gains tax purposes. On the TRF, I gently point out to the Minister that, given that this is the single biggest revenue-raising part of Labour’s policy—offering a reduced rate of tax on income and gains for a limited time—the Government are not so much closing loopholes in the tax system, as the Labour party consistently said to us when it was in opposition, and as was claimed at the Budget, but creating new loopholes, by their own definition of debates past. As the OBR has stated, there is great uncertainty over how much of that revenue is truly additional. Tom Josephs, one of the three members of the OBR’s Budget Responsibility Committee, told the Treasury Committee: “most of the revenue that we have scored in the forecast comes from what are…essentially, three years’ worth of lower tax rates…The steady-state impact of the reform is much lower.” As is so often the case, there is a mismatch between Labour’s rhetoric and the policy reality. The same would appear to be true for the “tweaks” to the temporary repatriation facility that the Chancellor announced on the slopes of Davos just last week. That indiscretion would be more problematic had there been any substance to the Davos announcement. We are still none the wiser, because the relevant amendments have not appeared, as my hon. Friend the Member for Gordon and Buchan said. This is the Committee stage of a Finance Bill, when we scrutinise the measures of the Government of the day, line by line. The Chancellor of the Exchequer made a conscious decision to get on a plane, fly to Davos and make the announcement—not in this House, but overseas. Then, when she had the opportunity to table amendments for the scrutiny of this Committee, she decided not to do so. I feel sorry for the Minister who has had to explain this, but it is not good enough. The Minister said that we will debate it on Report, but what stopped the Chancellor from tabling amendments today, in Committee? What was it about the line-by-line scrutiny that meant she could not do so? I would be grateful if the Minister could try to explain it, but I think the Chancellor should be explaining it to the House. Those points aside, the main grievance, which others have raised, relates to the changes to definition of “remittance” in schedule 9. The Chartered Institute of Taxation says the changes are badly drafted, that they should not be retroactive and that, at the very least, implementation should be delayed to allow for them to be rewritten and consulted on. Otherwise, the Minister needs to explain why, under paragraph 5(8), lending foreign income to a foreign relative outside the UK, to be kept outside of the UK, should be treated as a remittance to the UK. Paragraph 5(11), which makes it so that anything that has ever been remitted to the UK without being charged to tax under previous rules should now be treated as if it was a chargeable remittance, is described by the ICAEW as “unacceptable”; it states that the provision “should be deleted”. This is a matter on which I am not particularly expert, but the ICAEW is. I would be grateful if the Minister could explain those points, or follow up in writing to me, so that I can provide these industry bodies with an explanation.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Clause 57 fixes the inheritance tax thresholds at their current levels for a further two tax years, as the Minister set out. The nil-rate band, which remains fixed at £325,000, has been unchanged since 2009. The residence nil-rate band, which comes into play when a person leaves a property to their direct descendants when they die, was introduced at £100,000 in 2017-2018 by a Conservative Government, before being increased by £25,000 in succeeding years. In reaching the current level of £175,000, we delivered on our manifesto pledge to create an inheritance tax threshold for married couples and civil partners of up to £1 million. Since then, the legislative default is for the thresholds to be increased in line with the consumer prices index, although Parliament agreed to override that provision in the aftermath of the pandemic and to maintain the current thresholds to 2027-2028. Although we do not oppose the measures, HMRC has reported that the Labour Government’s decision to extend the freeze on the current thresholds for a further two years will, as the Minister just set out, increase the number of tax-paying estates by 1,400 in 2028-2029 and by 2,900 in 2029-2030. It was perfectly reasonable for my hon. Friend the Member for Gordon and Buchan to ask why this Labour Government have chosen to unfreeze income tax in 2028 but not inheritance tax. I am afraid the answer we got was not good enough in the context of a Budget and a series of measures that have spent £8 billion on GB Energy, an energy company that will not produce any energy or reduce any energy bills; £7 billion on a national wealth fund, which basically means repainting the UK Infrastructure Bank building; and £9 billion on union pay deals that came with no reform and no productivity gains, but massive pay rises that, by the way, the OBR has assessed as inflationary. Sure enough, inflation has gone up and interest rates are going to stay higher for longer. It is mortgage payers who will pay the price. That is the state of the public finances that Labour inherited. While we are on the subject, Labour inherited the fastest growth in the G7, half the deficit— [ Interruption. ] It is true. Labour Members do not like facts, and we know they are not good with numbers, but being the fastest growing economy in the G7 is a pretty good inheritance. On top of that, the deficit was 50%— [ Interruption. ] Even the Liberal Democrats are reacting. This is a very important point. People out there want to know why these difficult decisions are being made. It is important to set out the facts on how the economy was doing when the Government came into office. There was 2% inflation; it is now higher. The deficit was half of what it was. These are important factors. It was very reasonable of my hon. Friend the Member for Gordon and Buchan to point out the dichotomy and the choices that this Government have made.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  I will pick up where I left off by asking the Minister to provide confirmation on the three points I listed, and to provide an assurance that the guidance from His Majesty’s Revenue and Customs is sufficiently clear on those points that those affected are aware of the full implications of the changes. Finally, in the case of joint ownership, the Chartered Institute of Taxation is calling for an administrative easement to allow declarations to be backdated. Has the Minister considered the possibility of such an easement being implemented? I have not been able to raise all of the many points that the institute has raised with me, and I apologise to it for that. I am sure the Minister is engaging with the institute. I know that in opposition he spent a lot of time with it, as he will be doing with industry. I encourage him to speak to the Chartered Institute of Taxation and get its guidance and input, as I have tried to lay out in my remarks.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  As the Minister set out, clauses 26 to 28 create an additional relief for video effects expenditure while making administrative changes to align audiovisual and video games expenditure credits with older reliefs for film, TV and video games. We announced the additional relief for VFX expenditure at the spring Budget 2024, as part of a wider package to support our world-leading creative industries—which, by the way, grew at more than one and a half times the rate of the wider economy between 2010 and 2019, a remarkable success for any sector. The consultation we launched on the design of the policy directly informs the clauses, and we will not oppose them. However, one suggestion raised in the consultation that the Government have not chosen to take forward was to allow companies that claim the independent film tax credit to also claim the additional tax relief for visual effects. The Government have said they do not believe this exclusion will have an adverse impact on companies, but it would be helpful to hear from the Minister what assessment was made of the benefit to smaller visual effects studios had the scope of the relief been widened in the way in which many suggested as part of the consultation. The spring Budget 2024 also announced a 40% relief from business rates for eligible film studios in England for the next 10 years. My understanding is that this has not yet been implemented by the new Government, and has in fact been referred to the subsidy advice unit. I understand that in the last couple of hours, over lunch, the unit has reported its findings. I would be grateful if the Minister could update the Committee on what those may mean for the future of the measure and the expected timeline for delivery.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  As the Minister set out, clause 29 amends the measure in Northern Ireland to set in law a new cap of €300,000 on a three-year rolling basis, alongside other sources of relevant aid. The existing cap of £250,000 is currently defined in regulations. Will the Minister inform the Committee why the provisions have been moved from regulation into law? What are the implications of the change? HMRC notes that when claiming enhanced R&D-intensive support, companies with registered offices in Northern Ireland now need to take into account other relevant aid that they have received. What steps have been taken to ensure that those companies are aware of this change and are equipped to satisfy the new requirement?

• 28 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  Where it has gone wrong is that the Labour party said pre-election that it would not increase national insurance, but has now gone back on that. Labour said it would not hit farmers and would support them, but we now have the family farm tax. We are slightly veering off topic, as Mr Mundell will point out, but I say gently to the hon. Gentleman that although I hope he retains his seat at the next election— [ Laughter. ] The Chancellor, who is completely out of her depth, has made his life a little more difficult. He is laughing now but I am not sure he will be in four years. In the context of more drastic changes to inheritance tax elsewhere in the Budget, and the changes to agricultural relief in particular, my hon. Friend the Member for Gordon and Buchan asked about the Government’s assessment of how many of the estates being brought into the regime as a result of the threshold freeze are family farms. I did not quite hear an answer. On behalf of all the farmers we all represent, I say it would be good to hear the Treasury’s estimate as to how many family farms will be impacted. Ministers frequently cite the inheritance tax thresholds in mitigation of their decision to introduce the family farm tax, but that mitigation is being steadily eroded by inflation. By the time the family farm tax comes into effect next year, Labour’s excuses will be worth even less than they are today, not least because the OBR forecasts that inflation will be higher for longer under Labour. It has already gone up in this short period. It is a shameful exercise in how not to govern, and we will be holding the Government to account going forward.

• 28 Jan 2025 · Finance Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

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  That is a very good point—if only I had included it in my speech. That is a classic example of an intervention that adds to the content of the debate on behalf of all those who will be impacted by this measure. It is important to look at the projections over the five-year period on a year-by-year basis. It will be no surprise to the Minister that I look at them very carefully. I look at the timing of when the measures generate revenue, and when they do not. I could provide lots of examples of places where questions need to be asked of this Budget—indeed, we have been asking them today. In claiming the 100% relief on foreign income and gains, an individual forfeits their eligibility for a whole host of allowances available to normal UK taxpayers, including the personal allowance'; yet even those who were previously taxed on a remittance basis for non-UK income and gains would still pay tax on their UK earnings, just like everybody else. That was surely an uncontroversial element of the old regime, which did not require any attention, so why have the Government taken it upon themselves to make the tax treatment of UK income less favourable as a condition of claiming the new 100% relief—which we of course welcome? The biggest concern that has been raised with me regarding these new reliefs by the likes of the now-famous Chartered Institute of Taxation, which many of us have referred to, is the requirement to itemise and actively claim each income and gain. As far as I can recall, the technical note that we produced alongside our proposals in March 2024 did not insist on that level of specificity and detail, which is quite onerous on those applying. As a basic matter of fairness, it seems wrong that the window for making a claim is so much less than the 12 years available to HMRC to issue a compliance check, and even more so when the ability to make a consequential claim to correct an error is restricted. The Budget claims to introduce a regime that is simpler and internationally competitive, as the Minister outlined in his speech, but those two requirements are neither of those things. I would be very grateful if the Minister can explain what exactly the benefit of doing things in that way are. The main departure from our proposals comes with clause 38 and schedule 8, which introduce financial limitations for overseas workday relief. Is that to compensate for the additional year in which the relief will now be claimable? How significant does the Treasury expect the impact of the alteration to be? I would be grateful if the Minister can indulge me by outlining an explanation on those points.