Emily Darlington MP: speeches

Speeches

• 13 May 2026 · Debate on the Address · Hansard source

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  The clean water Bill is about taking on vested interests. It is about not just cleaning up the waterways but taking on those water companies that have absolutely taken us for mugs. I would remind any Member who still puts a picture of Margaret Thatcher up on their office wall that the reason we are in this position with water companies is because of her legacy. We want to end leasehold for good. That is hugely important in a city such as Milton Keynes, where many people own their property. We are that new town—that promise that someone can move in and own a flat or property—but we must go further and ensure an end to leasehold, because those who buy freehold houses should not continue to pay a service charge, many years into the future. This is a huge problem in Glebe Farm, where six different developers are charging six different service charges to freeholders. That must end. We also need the social housing renewal Bill. Social housing was part of my cabinet portfolio when I was the Labour deputy leader of Milton Keynes city council. We were able to build new council homes to high, green standards, with air source heat pumps and solar panels, further bringing down energy bills for our council tenants. We also had a social housing decarbonisation fund that supported over 2,000 tenants in bringing down their bills through insulation and new windows.

• 3 Feb 2026 · Cyber Security and Resilience (Network and Information Systems) Bill (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q I want to go back to basics and get a bit of insight from you. What cyber risks are businesses currently facing, and how do you feel the Bill addresses those risks? David Cook: The original NIS regulations came out of a directive from 2016, so this is 10 years old now, and the world changes quickly, especially when it comes to technology. Not only is this supply chain vulnerability systemic, but it causes a significant risk to UK and global businesses. Ransomware groups, threat actors or cyber-criminals—however you want to badge that—are looking for a one-to-many model. Rather than going after each organisation piecemeal, if they can find a route through one organisation that leads to millions, they will always follow it. At the moment, they are out of scope. The reality is that those organisations, which are global in nature, often do not pay due regard to UK law because they are acting all over the world and we are one of many jurisdictions. They are the threat vector that is allowing an attack into an organisation, but it then sits with the organisations that are attacked to deal with the fallout. Often, although they do not get away scot-free, they are outside legislative scrutiny and can carry on operating as they did before. That causes a vulnerability. The one-to-many attack route is a vulnerability, and at the moment the law is lacking in how it is equipped to deal with the fallout. Jen Ellis: In terms of what the landscape looks like, our dialogue often has a huge focus on cyber-crime and we look a lot at data protection and that kind of thing. Last year, we saw the impact of disruptive attacks, but in the past few years we have also heard a lot more about state-sponsored attacks. I do not know how familiar everyone in the room is with Volt Typhoon and Salt Typhoon; they were widespread nation-state attacks that were uncovered in the US. We are not immune to such attacks; we could just as easily fall victim to them. We should take the discovery of Volt Typhoon as a massive wake-up call to the fact that although we are aware of the challenge, we are not moving fast enough to address it. Volt Typhoon particularly targeted US critical infrastructure, with a view to being able to massively disrupt it at scale should a reason to do so arise. We cannot have that level of disruption across our society; the impacts would be catastrophic. Part of what NIS is doing and what the CSRB is looking to do is to take NIS and update it to make sure that it is covering the relevant things, but I also hope that we will see a new level of urgency and an understanding that the risks are very prevalent and are coming from different sources with all sorts of different motivations. There is huge complexity, which David has spoken to, around the supply chain. We really need to see the critical infrastructure and the core service providers becoming hugely more vigilant and taking their role as providers of a critical service very seriously when it comes to security. They need to think about what they are doing to be part of the solution and to harden and protect the UK against outside interference. David Cook: By way of example, NIS1 talks about reporting to the regulator if there is a significant impact. What we are seeing with some of the attacks that Jen has spoken about is pre-positioning, whereby a criminal or a threat actor sits on the network and the environment and waits for the day when they are going to push the big red button and cause an attack. That is outside NIS1: if that sort of issue were identified, it would not be reportable to the regulator. The regulator would therefore not have any visibility of it. NIS2 and the Bill talk about something being identified that is caused by or is capable of causing severe operational disruption. It widens the ambit of visibility and allows the UK state, as well as regulators, to understand what is going in the environment more broadly, because if there are trends—if a number of organisations report to a regulator that they have found that pre-positioning—they know that a malicious actor is planning something. The footprints are there.

• 7 Jan 2026 · Bletchley Railway Station: Eastern Entrance · Hansard source

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  I thank the Minister for his commitment to East West Rail, which the Labour-run city council in Milton Keynes and the three Labour MPs for the area have been fully behind. Can he clarify that, alongside the commitment to amalgamate Woburn Sands and Bow Brickhill stations in my constituency is a commitment for the two bridges that are then needed to ensure continued access to housing and key industries, such as Red Bull Racing?

• 13 Oct 2025 · Homelessness · Hansard source

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  As the Minister may know, Milton Keynes used to be called “tent city”. We reduced the number of rough sleepers down to 16 when I was deputy leader at the council. We were able to do that because we understood that rough sleeping was more than just a housing issue; it was a whole-person issue. Is she willing to meet me and the other officers of the all-party parliamentary group on rough sleeping, as well as Back-Bench Members who have experience in this area, while shaping and delivering the rough sleeping strategy?

• 3 Sept 2025 · Property Taxes · Hansard source

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  I appreciate the opportunity to speak in this debate. I want to take on the challenge set by the shadow Chancellor, the right hon. Member for Central Devon (Sir Mel Stride), so let us talk about how we got to this point, and the devastating consequences. Under the last Government, despite 27 tax rises, Government debt rose from 60% of GDP to 100.5%. They were borrowing for day-to-day spending. The shadow Chancellor talks about unfunded commitments; he knows about those, because the last Government left a £22 billion black hole of unfunded commitments. He says he cares about property ownership, but the last Government were responsible for a 6% fall in home ownership among people aged between 25 and 34. That was on his watch. This Government are building 1.5 million new homes, including record numbers of council homes and social properties. We also have renters’ rights reform, and we are looking into mortgage reform. That is about ensuring a fair and more affordable housing mix for all. What drove that fall in young people owning homes? We have to look to inflation, which peaked at 11.1% under the last Conservative Government, almost hitting Margaret Thatcher’s record of 17%. The Conservatives seem to be comfortable with high interest rates; in 2022, food inflation hit a 45-year high. In 2023, the UK recorded the highest inflation rate in western Europe; it was the only country to have double-digit inflation. Under this Government, we have had five interest rate cuts in only a year. The real cost of high interest rates can be found in the number of children living in poverty. There was a 20% increase in child poverty between 2014 and 2024. Food bank demand rose by 3,772% under the Conservative Government. In 2010, approximately 2.3% of children were living in relative poverty. In 2024, the figure was 4.5%, and that is shameful. It was the biggest fall in living standards on record, but under this Government, wages are finally rising faster than prices. We have seen the results of cuts in spending, particularly on youth services, which had a 73% real-terms cut under the last Government. This Government are putting £88 million back into youth clubs. Is that what the Conservatives want to cut? Finally, I want to talk about businesses. The shadow Chancellor said that nobody on this side of the House had experience of starting, running and growing a business. I, for one, have done that, as have many others on the Government Benches. He should get to know his colleagues before he makes those assertions.