David Chadwick MP: speeches

Speeches

• 3 Feb 2026 · Cyber Security and Resilience (Network and Information Systems) Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Q We have heard concerns about definitions, particularly regarding incident reporting. What are your observations on the Bill as it stands, and those definitions? Richard Starnes: Throughout my career, I have been involved in cyber incidents from just about day one. One of the biggest problems that you run into in the first 72 hours, for example, is actually determining whether you have been breached. Just because it looks bad does not mean it is bad. More times than not, you have had indicators of compromise, and you have gone through the entire chain, which has taken you a day, or maybe two or three days, of very diligent work with very clever people to determine that, no, you have not been breached; it was a false positive that was difficult to track down. Do you want to open the door to a regulator coming in and then finding out it is a false positive? You are also going to have a very significant problem with the amount of alerts that you get with a 24-hour notification requirement, because there is going to be an air of caution, particularly with new legislation. Everybody and his brother is going to be saying, “We think we’ve got a problem.” Alternatively, if they do not, then you have a different issue.

• 3 Feb 2026 · Cyber Security and Resilience (Network and Information Systems) Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Q Do you know how you would do that information sharing at the moment? Ian Hulme: As we have already explained, the current regs do not allow us to share the information, which is a bit of a barrier for us. In the future, certainly, we will be working together to try to figure it out. I think that there is also a role for DSIT in that. Natalie Black: First, we currently have a real problem in that information sharing is much harder than it should be. The Bill makes a big difference in addressing that point, not only among ourselves but with DSIT and NCSC. Secondly, we think that there is an opportunity to improve information reporting, particularly incident reporting, and we would welcome working with DSIT and others—I have mentioned the Digital Regulation Cooperation Forum—to help us find a way to make it easier for industry, because the pace at which we need to move means that we want to ensure that there is no unnecessary rub in the system.

• 3 Feb 2026 · Cyber Security and Resilience (Network and Information Systems) Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Q This feels like quite a big issue to be flagging up quite late in the day. In terms of the legislative process, do you think there has been a good enough consultation process between Government and business? Chris Parker: The consultation has been a best effort and I think it is a best effort as a function of three things. First, we have a new sector, a new Bill—something very new, it is not repeating something. Secondly, we are doing something at pace, it is a moving target, we have to get on with this, and so there is some compulsion involved. Thirdly, there are already some collaborative areas set up, such as techUK, that have been used. Would I personally have liked to have seen more? Yes—but I am realistic about how much time is needed; when you only have a certain resource, some people have got to do some writing and crafting as well as discussing. One thing that we could look at, if we did the process again, would be more modelling, exercising and testing the Bill until it shakes a bit more—that is something that perhaps we could do, if we were to do this again. With the Telecommunications (Security) Act 2021, that was done at length and collaboratively with industry, on a nearly fortnightly basis, for some time. Beyond that, I think that we are realistic in industry because we understand the pressures on the people trying to bring legislation in. A second point to remember is that we are all volunteers. Carla and I, and all those on the Cyber Resilience Committee, volunteer away from our day jobs—which are busy—to do all this. There is a realistic expectation, if you like—but I would say there has been a best effort. Carla Baker: I would like to look to the future. We have all the secondary legislation that is coming—and there will be lot—so we recommend early insights, and time to review and consult, in order to provide that industry insight that we are happy to provide. Let us look to the secondary legislation and hope that there is good consultation there.

• 3 Feb 2026 · Cyber Security and Resilience (Network and Information Systems) Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Q What about workforce? One thing we have heard today from the regulators is that they are going to have to expand their teams. Reportedly, there are thousands of vacancies across cyber-security, and there is more regulation coming that they will have to comply with. What should the Government be doing to improve and expand the size of the workforce that is available to do all of this work? Chris Parker: It is a national problem. We have had a lot of discussion on that at the techUK cyber resilience committee. We think it is not just about skills and bunging lots of training at people, because you have to work out cyber as a whole. A very small component of cyber is people at the wonderfully high-tech end, where they are coding and writing software. There are an awful lot of jobs in places out there that a lot of people are just not aware of, and perhaps would therefore not be volunteering or aiming towards it—even at their school. There are lots of jobs in cyber sales, marketing and analysis that do not require a very high level of mathematics, for example. Some of them do not need a very high level of mathematics at all. I think that some awareness needs to be built there. Personally, I would like to see more championing of the people who are in the sector at the moment. We have some fantastic young men and women in the sector, but we also need to make sure they are able to have chartered status. It is out there, now that we are starting, but it needs to gather pace, because we need to make sure these people are represented and feel professional, so that it can be reflected. Another thing to mention is that there is a lot of effort in the cyber growth partnership, which is run through DSIT and techUK. It is initiating an idea where people will be lent from industry into academia, to offer inspiration but also to improve lecture quality and standards, because things move fast and we are running so hot. It is very hard for academia to keep up. There is quite a lot that can be done to increase the workforce and skills, but going back to our original points, with greater public-private collaboration and discussion, we will get it absolutely right on focusing on the right places to spend resources.

• 2 Feb 2026 · Defence Spending: 2030 Target · Hansard source

  More

  10. If he will make an assessment of the potential merits of holding cross-party talks on reaching 3% defence spending by 2030.

• 2 Feb 2026 · Defence Spending: 2030 Target · Hansard source

  More

  Britain faces a once-in-a-generation threat to our national security, as Putin’s war continues in Europe and uncertainty grows about the future reliability of the United States. Will the Secretary of State therefore take up the Liberal Democrats’ proposal that we issue time-limited defence bonds? That would allow the public to invest directly in modernising our armed forces, raise billions for new equipment, and ensure strong parliamentary oversight of how the money is spent.

• 28 Jan 2026 · Local Authority Children’s Services · Hansard source

  More

  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Western. For obvious reasons, we often hear in this House about failure, notably in the tragic case raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Woking (Mr Forster)—I congratulate him on securing this important debate—but I will focus on a local authority that has been able to turn its children’s services around. In 2017, a BBC report warned that children in Powys were being put at risk because of serious failings in the council’s children’s services. Inspectors found missed safeguarding opportunities, weak oversight and poor follow-up—concerns so serious that Welsh Government intervention was actively discussed. That history matters, because it gives context to the progress that is now being made. Since 2022, under Liberal Democrat leadership of Powys county council, there has been a focus on rebuilding children’s services from the ground up—strengthening leadership, supporting the workforce and putting children’s safety back at the centre of decision making. That work is now being recognised independently. A recent external assurance review concluded that Powys children’s services are safe and improving, with no serious failings identified. The reviewer specifically highlighted stable leadership, strong advocacy for children through independent reviewing officers, and high-quality performance reporting—precisely those areas that were found wanting in 2017. Staff report feeling supported and proud to work in the service, and Powys social workers and safeguarding professionals have been recognised at regional awards for their work protecting children and involving young people directly in shaping services. No one is pretending that the job is finished. Pressures remain, particularly around funding and placements, but the direction of travel is clear and welcome. Powys has moved from a service once described as putting children at risk to one independently judged to be safe and improving. That is what sustained leadership looks like, and it is a positive example that this House should be willing to recognise. The overlying point is that vulnerable children need a strong state to look after them, and functioning children’s services that keep them safe are essential. That is why I hold the Conservatives and Reform in complete contempt, because they do not believe in our state. They have spent the last 40 years bashing and cutting the state; they attack it over and over again, spreading their cynical poison that a small state is desirable. Well, a small state will end up endangering our nation’s children. It is essential that these services are funded properly and well to keep our children safe. That is why I am proud to be a Liberal Democrat, and I am proud of what Powys county council has achieved over the past few years.

• 26 Jan 2026 · Support into Work: Health Conditions · Hansard source

  More

  Access to Work is meant to help disabled people to stay in employment, yet numerous constituents tell me they have been waiting more than nine months for an assessment, and a year or more for changes of circumstances. Those delays are putting jobs and incomes at risk. How many people has the Department assessed as losing work because of the delays and what urgent action is being taken to clear that backlog?

• 21 Jan 2026 · Clean Energy Projects · Hansard source

  More

  The Secretary of State has been highly critical of the legitimate concerns that my constituents have raised about the numerous wind farm proposals across mid-Wales. Now the Ministry of Defence has raised its concerns that at least one of the proposed wind farms has the potential to form a physical obstruction to air traffic movements and military activities at the Sennybridge training area. If the Labour Government will not listen to the concerns raised by my residents, will they at least listen to their own military?

• 20 Jan 2026 · Mobile Phones and Social Media: Use by Children · Hansard source

  More

  Over the past year, I have spoken to hundreds of children in schools across my constituency as part of my safer screens tour. It has been very distressing to hear from them about the material that they have been exposed to, and to hear that social media companies have not come back to them when they have reported this harmful content. If the Secretary of State agrees that there should be a ban on children accessing harmful social media platforms, will the default age for accessing them be 16?

• 19 Jan 2026 · Arctic Security · Hansard source

  More

  To say the very least, Donald Trump’s actions in Greenland and the related sanctions on the UK are not befitting of a trustworthy ally. Does the Foreign Secretary now accept that President Trump does not respond to weakness, and that, as Canada has shown, we must stand firm against this bullying behaviour and, as the Liberal Democrats have argued for months, work more closely with our EU allies?

• 7 Jan 2026 · Rural Fuel Duty Relief · Hansard source

  More

  Not a single part of Wales benefits from the rural fuel duty relief scheme, while rural areas in England and Scotland do, simply because of how the previous Conservative Government designed it. Does my hon. Friend agree that that unfair anomaly should be corrected and that the scheme should be extended to places such as Powys?

• 7 Jan 2026 · Meat Exports to the EU · Hansard source

  More

  I agree with my right hon. Friend. The Government would do well to listen to his wisdom and knowledge, and indeed to that of the farmers, because they are the people experiencing these problems at first hand.

• 7 Jan 2026 · Meat Exports to the EU · Hansard source

  More

  The economic impact of this issue is being felt across the United Kingdom, and that is because there is still no settled SPS agreement. That has resulted in uncertainty, and uncertainty is poison for trade. Many smaller producers have already been cut out of EU markets, unable to cope with the administrative burden and added cost. There is also a clear imbalance in how trade is being managed. Under the border target operating model, checks are meant to be risk based, yet medium-risk products of animal origin imported from the EU into Great Britain face physical inspection rates of around 1%, while equivalent UK exports to the EU face inspection rates of between 15% and 30%. That is not a level playing field. It places heavier costs on UK farmers, while leaving them exposed to unfair competition from imports. That imbalance is compounded by repeated delays to the UK’s own border controls. The transitional staging period for the border target operating model has been extended again, this time to January 2027—the sixth delay already. Farming unions have warned that, without effective border checks, the UK remains vulnerable to animal disease. Those concerns have been echoed by Parliament’s own Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee. None of this is accidental. These barriers exist because the UK chose to leave the single market. That choice was driven by a Conservative party that was willing to sacrifice British farming, and it was championed by Reform, who promised farmers frictionless trade while delivering friction at every stage of the export process. Welsh farmers were told that they would keep their markets, that nothing would change for them and that they were taking back control, but what they got was more paperwork, higher costs and fewer buyers. In Brecon, Radnor and Cwm Tawe, farming underpins entire communities. When lamb exports become uneconomic, investment stalls, confidence drains away and young farmers begin to question whether there is a future for them. Rural Wales is hollowing out through constant, grinding pressure on farming communities and the wider supply chains that they support. Efforts to restore relations with our nearest trading partners and pursue an SPS agreement with the EU are welcome, but such an agreement must be developed in close collaboration with industry, and it must be delivered urgently. Farmers cannot wait indefinitely while negotiations drag on. Any agreement should be concluded as soon as is practical and no later than the end of this Parliament, in order to protect market access and prevent further damage to the sector. Welsh farmers were promised certainty, continuity and opportunity. Instead, they got the Conservatives’ and Reform’s Brexit, and a deal that still does not exist. This debate is about facing that reality, owning the consequences and finally doing right by the people who feed this country and sustain our rural communities. Backing Welsh and British farming means more than slogans; it means restoring access to markets.

• 7 Jan 2026 · Meat Exports to the EU · Hansard source

  More

  I am going to continue for a bit. Welsh lamb is not a niche export; it is foundational to the rural economy. Welsh food and drink exports were worth £813 million in 2023, with around three quarters going to EU markets. The EU remains the destination for around a third of Welsh lamb exports, around 90% of Welsh beef exports and the vast majority of Welsh dairy exports. Markets such as Germany and the Netherlands matter because they are the natural entry points into the European food system, but lamb cannot sit at borders while paperwork is argued over. A delay of hours can strip value from a load; a rejected consignment can wipe out profit for a week. Farmers tell me it is now easier to export lamb thousands of miles away than to our nearest neighbours. That is not control; it is self-harm. No doubt Ministers will point to headlines claiming that red tape has been slashed, but the reality for farmers tells a different story. Export health certificates are still required, veterinary sign-offs remain mandatory and checks are still taking place. Costs are still being borne by producers, and that eats into their profit margins. Because there is no settled SPS agreement, enforcement continues to vary from port to port and country to country.

• 7 Jan 2026 · Meat Exports to the EU · Hansard source

  More

  I beg to move, That this House has considered meat exports to the EU. It is an honour to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Furniss. I am grateful for the opportunity to open this debate on the export of meat to the European Union, and in particular on the ongoing difficulties faced by farmers and producers in constituencies like mine when exporting to markets such as Germany and the Netherlands. This debate matters, because a system that worked well for Welsh agriculture has been replaced by one that is more expensive, more bureaucratic and far less reliable. It has become clear that, although progress has been made, a fully settled and implemented common sanitary and phytosanitary arrangement is not yet in place, and will not be in place in the immediate future. As a result, exporters remain subject to many of the same requirements introduced after Brexit, and those requirements are having real consequences on the ground. Right now, there is only an intention to negotiate a framework for talks and announcements about what might happen in the future. But intentions do not move meat across borders, announcements do not pay veterinary bills, and frameworks do not stop lorries being delayed. That is what Welsh farmers are struggling with right now. Before Brexit, exporting Welsh lamb to Europe was straightforward: there were no export health certificates, no mandatory veterinary sign-off and no routine border control checks. Welsh lamb moved freely into its natural markets, allowing farmers to plan, invest and grow with confidence. Since Brexit, that has changed completely. Today, a single consignment of lamb can require export health certificates, official veterinary approval, customs declarations and SPS checks at EU border posts. Every step adds cost, delay and risk, especially for a perishable, time-sensitive product.

• 6 Jan 2026 · Cyber Security and Resilience (Network and Information Systems) Bill · Hansard source

  More

  Cyber-attacks are a growing menace for British businesses. They cause chaos for all types of businesses and organisations, both small and large. The consequences of those attacks have hit our economy hard. The disruption caused by the cyber-attacks on Jaguar Land Rover, M&S and the Co-op were felt by many businesses further down their supply chains; for instance, the disruption that hit JLR resulted in a freeze for its steel supply chain, much of it in Wales. So much of our economy relies on well-functioning digital platforms. Last year, many Lloyds bank customers found themselves unable to access money or pay their bills due to app outages, with that problem compounded by its decision to close high street branches. Yet, bizarrely, Lloyds decided still to pay its chief executive officer Charlie Nunn £5 million in 2024. I make that point to illustrate the lack of accountability we see in positions at the top of these organisations despite massive numbers of people being reliant on those services. A successful cyber-attack often ends in people having their personal data stolen. That is why it is welcome that the Bill highlights sensible requirements to ensure that businesses properly consider supply-chain risks and their usage of managed service providers, as well as many others. On the other hand, it will be a mystery to many why sectors such as finance, food and drink and retail have not been included, particularly considering how those sectors have been hit hard recently. The Government would clearly like to achieve security. To do that, it would help if the Bill could be improved to provide greater certainty and clarity for businesses. For instance, how are businesses supposed to manage relationships with managed service providers? For five years, I worked in the cyber-security industry, starting with the introduction of the GDPR, which happened at the same time as the original NIS directive. I found that the cyber-security sector is a well-connected community underpinned by a welcome commitment to sharing knowledge and best practice. For instance, Cyber Wales is a representative body that brings together the Welsh cyber-community. It is an industry that requires input from academia, law enforcement agencies, defence and businesses. There are clusters of success across Wales, including in my constituency. Partnerships built in academia often create spin-off companies that generate jobs. For instance, in Wales, the University of South Wales and Swansea University have done a lot to build up our local cyber-security ecosystem. As the Bill progresses, the Government would be wise to continue to consult regularly with this very engaged community. It would be helpful to hear what sort of consultations, and how many, have taken place so far. It would also be helpful to hear the Government respond to the Information Systems Audit and Control Association’s proposals, particularly around giving regulators the power to suggest mandatory penetration testing. The growing cyber-security sector should be a route for much needed economic growth and well-paid jobs in Wales. Many such jobs can be done remotely from anywhere with an internet connection. Recent research from Infosecurity suggests that there are 17,000 vacancies in the cyber-security industry right now, with that figure growing at 10% to 12% a year. That is a huge opportunity for a country like Wales. Having an effective skills base is one way in which we can guard ourselves against cyber-attacks. Keeping Britain safe from cyber-attacks requires a trained workforce who can marry technical expertise with regulatory competence. I have seen in my professional experience how many people from many other sectors were able to retrain and upskill to work in cyber-security. People with experience in project management or managing processes are very capable of retraining to work in the cyber-security industry. Special thought should be paid to military veterans in particular, who are well suited to those jobs. One of the questions for the Government should be about how to help more British people into those jobs while ensuring that our education system is equipped to help children pick the sector. That is why I call on the Government to ensure that funding is available for all schools in Wales to take part in the highly successful CyberFirst Wales scheme.

• 16 Dec 2025 · Finance (No. 2) Bill · Hansard source

  More

  Wales is the poorest of our four nations. It has the highest levels of unemployment and the lowest wages. The family farm tax is yet another example of how this Government are going to hurt the Welsh economy with full knowledge of the consequences. They have decided to hit Wales, in whose economy agriculture is a major sector, with an extra tax. It is, quite frankly, an unacceptable and horrific way for this Government to start off. Family farms are the backbone of our rural economy, the heart of our food system and central to the survival of many communities in Wales. People in Wales are shocked that this Labour Government have decided to come for one of our major industries. People in Wales are accustomed to the Conservatives unpicking our major industries and taking them out—they expect that—but they expect better from the Labour party. When family farms are hit, the damage spreads far beyond the farm gate; it hurts vets, suppliers, hauliers, markets, local shops and rural high streets. That is why it was so deeply disappointing that 23 of Wales’s 27 Labour MPs chose to vote this policy through despite clear warnings from rural Wales. The scale of what is being put at risk is enormous.

• 16 Dec 2025 · Finance (No. 2) Bill · Hansard source

  More

  My hon. Friend is quite right to point to the struggles of upland farmers, who deserve to earn a living from their work—they are working people too, but they are not being recognised as such. Agriculture and the wider food and drink sector supports more than 228,000 jobs in Wales and generates more than £24 billion in turnover each year. This is not a marginal industry; it is a pillar of the Welsh economy. Industry bodies have warned that these tax changes will force family farms to sell land or assets simply to meet higher liabilities, accelerating consolidation and driving our young people out of rural Wales, which damages our food security and local supply chains, hollows out communities and obviously undermines our tax base, too. This is not just an economic but a cultural issue. Some 43% of people working in agriculture in Wales speak Welsh, compared with 20% of the population overall. To undermine family farming is to undermine Welsh culture and the Welsh language itself. What makes this policy even harder to defend is the Government’s selective approach. Ministers have refused to act on supermarket profiteering—with Tesco alone seeing its profits rise by more than 100%—yet are content to squeeze family farms that are already grappling with rising costs and post-Brexit uncertainty. The Welsh Affairs Committee has called for this policy to be paused so that a Wales-specific impact assessment could be carried out. It is a grave mistake that that request has been ignored. This is becoming a familiar pattern for those of us from Wales. There has been rail underfunding, a refusal to devolve powers, including over taxation, and now a tax that threatens one of Wales’s most important sectors. Time and again, Labour has advanced policies in this Parliament that would hit Wales the hardest, and waved them through regardless. The Welsh Liberal Democrats oppose this tax because we believe that family farms should form the spine of a prosperous rural economy. Rural Wales—in fact, the rural economy across the whole UK—deserves a plan for growth, not punishment driven by ideology. The Welsh Government deserve a Government who understand the value, strength and work that our agricultural sector provides to rural Wales. I think of the tens of young farmers’ clubs in my constituency; they are run by incredible young people who form community groups and build the confidence of the young people in their communities, as well as running their family businesses. We need those young people to stay in Wales, run their businesses well, and create the jobs and employment that will enable rural Wales to prosper. Instead, they are being told by this Government, “No, we’re going to hit you with an extra tax”. This will fall on the shoulders of Welsh young farmers. The Welsh economy deserves a Government who understand Wales, and that is not what we are getting so far.

• 9 Dec 2025 · Railways Bill · Hansard source

  More

  Let me be clear from the outset that the Bill fails Wales. Last year, Wales voted decisively for change, and this is just another example of how that change will not be coming. The Bill fails my constituents, who rely on some of the most neglected rail lines anywhere in the United Kingdom. For years, the people I represent have endured cancellations, painfully slow journeys, ageing trains and stations that would embarrass any modern transport system. The Marches line still runs on signalling technology that belongs in a museum. The Heart of Wales line—a lifeline for rural communities—has been crying out for meaningful investment for over a decade. What does the Bill do to fix any of that? Nothing. Instead, it centralises even more power here in Whitehall and offers Wales nothing more than a pat on the head and the promise of consultation. Consultation is what Wales has had plenty of for the last 30 years and look where it has got us. Yet the real injustice is this: Scotland gets real power over its railways and Wales gets nothing. No power of direction, no power over infrastructure, no power over funding and not even a guarantee that Welsh needs will be taken seriously. This Government have gone out of their way to give Scotland the meaningful authority and yet Wales, a nation with its own Parliament and its own transport strategy, is told to make do with a memorandum of understanding—a document with no legal force, no accountability and no guarantee of action. That inequality has real-world consequences. Independent experts told the Transport Committee that England will receive tens of billions in rail investment over the next decade, while Wales will receive only a few hundred million. That is a gap so vast that it can only be described as systemic neglect. Indeed, just this week, analysis by the Welsh Liberal Democrats showed that Wales is set to lose another £1 billion after Northern Powerhouse Rail was wrongly classified as an England and Wales project. That brings the total lost for Wales through that accounting trick to around £6 billion, while Scotland and Northern Ireland receive their fair share. Meanwhile, the Government expect Wales to be grateful for £445 million over 10 years. It does not take a maths genius to see that those of us in Wales are being short changed. My constituents see the results every day: rural stations left behind, limited services, long commutes and opportunities missed. The rail network in Wales is not second-class by accident but is second-class by design, and the Bill entrenches that design. It hands the UK Secretary of State even more control over decisions that directly affect Wales, with no matching powers for Welsh Ministers to shape the services that our communities rely on. Let me say this plainly. A modern railway for Wales cannot be built on scraps of power handed down from Westminster. Wales needs the same powers that Scotland already has, Wales needs fairness, not favours, and Wales needs the tools to build a railway network worthy of our own people. Wales deserves better than this Bill and as Welsh Liberal Democrats, we will not accept anything less than equality for our nation.

• 8 Dec 2025 · Digital ID · Hansard source

  More

  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Furniss. It was Harry Willcock, a Liberal party activist, who started the successful campaign to get rid of physical ID cards. After being stopped and asked for his cards by the police, he threw his papers on the floor and said, “I am a Liberal and I am against this sort of thing.” That is because as Liberals we believe that the state exists to empower its citizens rather than endlessly monitor them. What we have before us today is yet another example of this Labour Government announcing a grand, attention-grabbing idea without really having a plan for how to do it. The proposal for a mandatory digital ID system is set to drain at least £1.9 billion from the public purse—and if history tells us anything about major Government projects, it is that that figure is likely to rise substantially. At a time when every pound counts, it is astonishing that Ministers believe that this is the right priority. The reality is that this digital ID proposal risks becoming an enormously expensive distraction, absorbing money, time and political energy that should instead be directed towards the things that people actually rely on: police on our streets, timely NHS care, functioning local services and funding border security.

• 8 Dec 2025 · Digital ID · Hansard source

  More

  The hon. Gentleman is quite right to question whether or not this is a good use of Government time and money. The 4,500 constituents of mine who have signed this petition would much rather the Government spent their time and money on trying to fix other data governance issues. For example, one big data governance issue in Wales is that, when patients go over the border to Hereford, they often cannot retrieve their health data. It would be much better if the Government prioritised spending money on that. Some 75 years on from Harry Willcock saying that he was a Liberal and against this sort of thing, I reiterate the same principle. I am a Liberal, and we remain against this sort of thing.

• 3 Dec 2025 · Economic Growth · Hansard source

  More

  This Government keep claiming that offshore wind will bring down bills for people in Wales and drive economic growth, but research from Greenpeace shows that the opposite is happening. The Crown Estate is pushing up bills by running uncapped auctions that force energy companies to pay huge fees just to use the seabed. Those extra costs are added straight on to the energy bills of families and businesses across Wales, meaning that Welsh households pay more. The profits are taken out of Wales, while the Crown Estate’s chief executive officer pockets £1.9 million a year. Why are the Government allowing the Crown Estate to drive up energy bills, and why will not they force the Crown Estate to manage Welsh natural resources in the public interest, rather than its own?

• 3 Dec 2025 · Economic Growth · Hansard source

  More

  I start by raising a point of order, Mr Speaker. The Secretary of State said that the Liberal Democrats were responsible for imposing the two-child benefit cap. That is simply not true. It was imposed by the Conservatives, and we have campaigned tirelessly against it ever since. Will she correct the record?

• 19 Nov 2025 · Flooding: Monmouthshire · Hansard source

  More

  The recent floods in Monmouthshire have been devastating for local communities, and our thoughts are with everyone affected as they try to return to some sense of normality. I would also like to pay tribute to the emergency services and everyone who has worked tirelessly to keep residents safe throughout these events. Last year, we saw attempts by multiple fire and rescue authorities in Wales to close small fire stations, which often house the equipment needed to respond to major floods like the ones we have just seen. Two of the proposed closures are in my constituency in Knighton and Crickhowell. Crickhowell is just a stone’s throw away from Monmouthshire, and the services that are based there often go over the border to help out. Will the Minister clarify what engagements the Government have had with fire services in Wales on potential closures? Does she agree that it is vital that we keep small stations open to protect residents in rural Wales from devastating events such as the ones we have just seen?