David Chadwick MP: speeches

Speeches

• 8 May 2025 · Trade Negotiations · Hansard source

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  Welsh farmers have been reaping the rewards of high beef prices over the past few years. That has been the one piece of good news in the industry. They now hear that another Government have signed another trade deal allowing even more beef imports into our country. Why have the Government decided to include beef imports in the deal, and to kick our farmers in the teeth again?

• 8 May 2025 · Cold and Damp Homes · Hansard source

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  It is an honour to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Western. I thank the hon. Member for Leeds Central and Headingley (Alex Sobel) for securing this important debate. As he rightly set out, many of our issues stem from the fact that so much of our housing stock dates to the Georgian and Victorian periods. I draw attention to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests. My hon. Friend the Member for Bath (Wera Hobhouse) rightly pointed out that the UK has some of the oldest and coldest homes in Europe, and that the NHS is spending £1.5 billion a year on treating respiratory illnesses. Hopefully, investing in warmer homes would bring down that cost. In Wales alone, over 600,000 households—nearly half of all Welsh homes—are estimated to be in fuel poverty, with more than 100,000 in extreme fuel poverty. The crisis is not just about rising energy bills or cold weather; it is rooted in the very buildings we live in. The UK and Wales especially, as we have heard, have some of the oldest housing stock in Europe. Many of the homes in Wales were built before 1919, long before insulation or energy efficiency were even considered. As a result, a huge number of houses are cold, damp and impossible to heat efficiently. Many still rely on outdated boilers, lack double glazing or have walls that leak heat faster than we can generate it. The consequences are not just physical discomfort or financial strain; cold homes are making people sick. They are contributing to the incidence of respiratory disease, heart conditions, mental health issues and, tragically, avoidable deaths in winter. This is costing every single one of us. The NHS in England alone spends around £1.5 billion a year treating conditions linked to cold and damp homes. In Wales, the annual cost is estimated to be £67 million. That money could be spent on frontline care, rather than on treating problems that could have been prevented by better housing. The costs go even further. Fuel poverty means lost workdays and reduced productivity due to illness; children underperforming at school because they are too cold or too sick to learn; increased national energy use and demand from homes that haemorrhage heat; growing household debt from people falling behind on unaffordable energy bills; and less money in the economy as a whole as incomes get swallowed up by ballooning heating bills. We are stuck in a vicious cycle that affects not just the poorest but all of us through higher public spending and lost economic potential. Unfortunately, Government responses have been far too slow. In Wales, the flagship warm homes programme is woefully inadequate. At the current pace, it could take more than 130 years to insulate every fuel-poor household in Wales—a staggering statistic that shows just how far behind Labour in Wales is on this issue. It does not have to be this way. The Welsh Liberal Democrats have proposed a bold but realistic solution, providing £1.75 billion over five years to retrofit homes, prioritising those in or near fuel poverty. This plan could create 10,000 jobs, generate £2.2 billion for the economy and, most importantly, transform lives. For rural areas and farmers, there are huge opportunities here too, with insulation using Welsh wool now playing a major part in existing insulation programs. On a recent visit, I saw at first hand the installation of protective loft insulation in Brecon by Loft Boarding South Wales, a local, family-run, green growth business. It was very clear to me that insulation programmes offer economic benefits not only for consumers, but through the skilled jobs that such programmes provide. Across the UK, the Liberal Democrats are calling for urgent action, including a 10-year emergency home insulation programme to upgrade Britain’s cold, inefficient housing stock, and the introduction of an energy social tariff—a targeted pricing structure that would lower heating bills for the most vulnerable. We will of course continue to press the Government to reverse their disastrous cuts to the winter fuel allowance—although current briefings to the media from different Ministers make it very difficult for us all to decipher where the Government are at on that issue. These measures are not just ambitious; they are necessary, and must be in place before the next winter bites. Fuel poverty is a national disgrace, but it is also a national opportunity. By investing in energy-efficient homes, we can cut carbon emissions, reduce health inequalities, lower NHS costs, boost the economy and improve national security all at once. The best time to introduce an emergency insulation programme was before Putin launched his brutal invasion of Ukraine. The second best time would be now. Let us start thinking of insulation not as a luxury, but as a public good. Let us stop managing the symptoms of cold homes and start curing the cause. In one of the richest nations on earth, no one should have to choose between heating and eating.

• 8 May 2025 · Cold and Damp Homes · Hansard source

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  Does the Minister see a greater role for Welsh wool in insulating our homes? He may not be aware that many Welsh farmers actually lose money from shearing their sheep. Wool is a natural product that can be used to insulate homes. It is organic, and it would bring more money into the rural economy, unlike synthetic products.

• 8 May 2025 · Small Abattoirs · Hansard source

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  It is a privilege to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Desmond. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Glastonbury and Somerton (Sarah Dyke) for securing this important debate and making such a compelling case for the importance of small abattoirs to the rural economy. Support for small abattoirs is vital not just in my constituency but in rural communities throughout Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The challenges that these facilities face are symptomatic of broader issues in our food infrastructure, rural economies and national food strategy. The Liberal Democrats reaffirmed our commitment to this cause by passing a motion at our 2025 spring conference that recognised the essential role that small abattoirs play in maintaining high animal welfare standards—standards that British and Welsh farmers are rightly proud of and which consumers increasingly expect. But we cannot ignore the facts. The number of abattoirs in the UK has plummeted over the last 30 years. Between 2018 and 2022 alone, the number of smaller red meat abattoirs fell by 25% and the number of small poultry abattoirs fell by an alarming 40%. Those closures are being driven by rising costs and mounting regulatory burdens—pressures that smaller facilities are ill equipped to absorb. The decline comes at a tremendous cost to animal welfare, rural economies, local food resilience and consumer choice. I will begin with animal welfare, a topic that has been raised several times today. Small abattoirs dramatically reduce food miles by offering local slaughter options. That is not a minor detail, as it means that animals spend less time in transit, endure less stress and arrive at slaughter in better condition. Slaughtering animals as close as possible to where they are reared is a principle that should be central to any ethical food infrastructure. There is also a very strong economic case. Small abattoirs support rural economies by providing jobs and anchoring local supply chains. They keep value within communities and help producers to secure higher value through direct-to-consumer sales. Demand is rising for high-quality Welsh meat. Several farmers in my constituency are doing a roaring trade after setting up their own meat box businesses—I will be picking up mine from Geraint this weekend. The Government should encourage this welcome trend because it helps to address the power imbalance in our food system. Large abattoirs are often contractually tied to supermarkets and cannot return small quantities to individual producers. In my constituency, W. J. George Butchers in Talgarth exemplifies the value added by independent abattoirs. The family-owned business has been serving our local community for more than 135 years. Its model is rooted in local relationships. Animals are selected directly from trusted farms, processed on-site and sold with full traceability. It is precisely that level of quality, integrity and traceability that consumers want and small abattoirs can deliver. Beyond the local economy, there are national implications. In recent weeks, we have seen large supply chains, such as those used by Marks & Spencer and the Co-op, hacked and disrupted, which illustrates the fragility of overcentralised systems dominated by the big corporations. Small abattoirs offer resilience in the supply chain. They distribute risk, reduce dependence on long- haul logistics and provide extra capacity in our food infrastructure. That is good not only for business but for national food security. The need for support is clear, but recent Government action has fallen short. The previous Conservative Government omitted small abattoirs entirely from their food strategy, and this new Labour Government, despite Labour’s manifesto commitment to uphold the highest animal welfare standards, have yet to replace the smaller abattoir fund, which was closed in September 2024. In Wales, the situation is even worse. The Welsh Labour Government have not provided support for small abattoirs for many years. To compound matters, the Food Standards Agency imposed a 20% increase on meat inspection fees in April 2025. That is a crushing burden on already struggling small operators. If we are serious about encouraging ethical and sustainable farming, we must stop penalising the very facilities that make it possible. I urge the Government to consider authorising mobile slaughterhouses, which could play a key role in reaching isolated areas and reducing infrastructure costs. I hope that the Minister might offer an update on the progress of such plans with the Food Standards Agency in his response. There is also scope for smarter regulation. With the help of recent technological advances in monitoring and traceability, it may be time to explore a lighter-touch regulatory framework for small abattoirs—one that maintains safety and quality but reduces compliance costs that disproportionately affect smaller facilities. Finally, we must improve food labelling. Customers want transparency. Now more than ever, they want to know how and where an animal was raised. That information helps to empower consumers and create a more informed, value-driven market. In conclusion, small abattoirs are community assets. They support high animal welfare, reduce food miles, sustain rural economies, provide producers with added value and increase our food system’s resilience. The Liberal Democrats will continue to champion their cause. I join my honourable colleagues in calling on the Government to replace the smaller abattoir fund, to consult meaningfully with the sector and to back the infrastructure and regulatory reform needed to keep these vital operations thriving. In doing so, we would uphold not just animal welfare but the health and sustainability of our entire food system.

• 7 May 2025 · Data (Use and Access) Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  I rise to speak in strong support of new clauses 1 and 2. New clause 1 seeks to raise the age of consent for social media data processing from 13 to 16. As the father of two young boys, I am deeply concerned about the way in which tech platforms engineer addiction, manipulate attention, and shape childhood in ways that parents and even Governments cannot easily counter. This is not hypothetical; it is the reality that our children are living every day. Children aged 13 to 15 are especially vulnerable. Those social media algorithms do not just show content. They shape beliefs, reinforce insecurities and amplify harm. Whether it is body image filters, content promoting self-harm or endless scrolling, these platforms are designed for engagement, not wellbeing. The new clause would not ban young people from using social media. It simply says that their data should not be exploited for commercial gain without genuine, informed consent. By raising the age to 16 for these specific practices, we align with international best practice and the United Nations convention on the rights of the child. With clear exemptions for education and health platforms, this is a targeted and proportionate reform that prioritises children’s mental health. New clause 2 deals with copyright compliance and AI. As we all know, the AI revolution is here, but just as we would not let a factory operate by stealing its raw materials from others, we should not let AI models train on copyrighted work, such as books, music or journalism, without permission or payment. The new clause makes one clear demand: if an AI system operates in the UK, it must respect UK copyright law, regardless of where the servers are based. We are standing up for our creators—for the authors, musicians, film-makers and developers whose work gives AI its power. In Wales alone, the creative industries turned over £1.5 billion in 2023, employing more than 37,000 people. Let us not wait for lawsuits or damage to our industries. The new clause provides legal clarity, defends creators, and affirms that Parliament, not silicon valley, writes the rules. These Liberal Democrat new clauses are principled, practical and long overdue, and I urge all Members to support them.

• 6 May 2025 · Parking Regulation · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend and the hon. Member for Derby South (Baggy Shanker) for securing this debate. At least four unpaid carers attending weekly Dementia Matters meetings in Brecon have been fined. Does my hon. Friend agree that there is more that we can do to protect unpaid carers?

• 6 May 2025 · Victory in Europe and Victory over Japan: 80th Anniversary · Hansard source

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  Eighty years ago, when the guns fell silent, the long and bitter war against tyranny in Europe was over. Britain’s peace was marked by not only celebration, but gratitude and reflection on all that had been sacrificed to make it possible. That peace had been fully and faithfully earned across my constituency, with courage, with resolve and at great cost. From every corner of the constituency, men and women stepped forward to serve, in the air, at sea, on the frontline and at home. Their names are etched into memorials across our communities to remind us of not only who they were, but what they gave. Brecknockshire, with its long-standing military tradition, stood as a proud centre of that service, but the uniform was worn across the constituency, in the hills of Radnorshire, in the valleys of Cwm Tawe and beyond. Among them were those who served with distinction in local regiments such as the South Wales Borderers and the Welch Regiment, both of which saw action across Europe, north Africa and the far east. The Royal Navy also bore our town’s name with pride. HMS Brecon, a Hunt-class destroyer, served with honour in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, carrying the name of Brecon wherever she sailed. Others served in different ways but with equal resolve. In the Swansea valley, local men were conscripted as Bevin boys, sent into the deep and dangerous seams of the south Wales coalfield to mine the coal that powered our fleets and fuelled the wartime economy. Their work was exhausting and often overlooked, but vital to victory. Many of them were not released until 1948. In the fields of my constituency, the rhythms of farming did not cease. Amid rationing and relentless shortages, Welsh agricultural workers, and the Land Girls who stood beside them, kept the nation fed. Across the constituency, women took on vital responsibilities in munitions factories, hospitals, civil defence, and at the heart of their communities. Their contribution was lasting. It shaped the peace that followed, and the freedoms we live by today. I was proud to attend the commemorations last Saturday in Ystradgynlais, organised by Jade and the Swansea Valley armed forces club, where that contribution was honoured. Let our remembrance be a promise: to live up to their example, to work together for the public good, and never to forget what was given in the hope of a fairer future. Finally, I wish to pay tribute to RAF war veteran John Gwynne, who was a worthy guest of honour at recent VE Day celebrations in Talgarth, aged 104.

• 6 May 2025 · Trade Negotiations · Hansard source

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  Steel tariffs were reportedly a major sticking point in these trade negotiations with India. That is of particular concern to communities across south Wales, especially following Tata’s decision to shut down its blast furnaces in Wales and across Europe while simultaneously investing in new capacity in India. Can the Minister assure the House that British steelworkers have not been sacrificed in order to secure this deal, and can he confirm what tariff rate Indian steel imports will face when the agreement comes into effect?

• 30 Apr 2025 · Strengthening the Union · Hansard source

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  There is no greater threat to our Union than the feeling that workers in one nation matter less than those in another. People in and around Port Talbot feel that they have had a rotten deal. Can the Minister explain why, under the deal that her Government did with Tata, workers who had been at the company for longer than 25 years did not have that service reflected in their redundancy payments, and why workers wishing to access the retraining elements had to forgo their rights to the enhanced redundancy payment? Is it true that, as has been reported, as of February, only three people had applied for that scheme?

• 29 Apr 2025 · River Thames: Unauthorised Mooring · Hansard source

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  The Minister will have heard the points we have made about the lack of supervisory authorities. Will she write to the Welsh Minister responsible and ask him to look into the case of the Brecon canal?

• 29 Apr 2025 · River Thames: Unauthorised Mooring · Hansard source

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  I recognise the frustrations and problems that my hon. Friend is having getting the relevant supervisory authorities to pay heed. In Brecon, we have a similar issue: the canal might run dry following Welsh Water’s decision to start charging the Canal & River Trust for the water it extracts, yet none of the relevant authorities have responded to our request for a meeting. Does my hon. Friend agree that in instances like that, it would be helpful for the Minister whose Department is implicated to pay attention? They should come to Brecon and help us to find a solution.

• 23 Apr 2025 · Sewage · Hansard source

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  Statistics published last week show that Welsh Water—the supposedly not-for-profit Welsh water company—had the highest number of sewage discharges across the entire UK, despite charging some of the highest prices for its water, in a country that has some of the lowest incomes in the UK. Does my hon. Friend agree that the Welsh Government must stop letting Welsh Water off the hook? It must take responsibility for its actions.

• 22 Apr 2025 · British Steel · Hansard source

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  If the Government now believe that primary steelmaking capacity is critical for the security of the UK, do they also recognise that the skilled workers needed to produce that steel are equally as important? If so, why were they willing to let 2,800 of them be made unemployed last September in Port Talbot?

• 12 Apr 2025 · Steel Industry (Special Measures) Bill · Hansard source

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  Last year, the Government said they would introduce a new steel strategy that would create more well-paid jobs in the places where they are most needed. Following last year’s closures of the blast furnaces at Port Talbot, many of my constituents have lost their jobs or seen their incomes fall. That includes the thousands of workers who were laid off at the plant itself, but also those further down the supply chain, including haulage drivers and payroll clerks providing services to the 2,000 local businesses that have been impacted by that closure. The closure of Port Talbot’s blast furnaces started an economic contraction in south Wales that is still under way. Many highly skilled workers, particularly welders, are leaving south Wales in search of opportunities elsewhere. It is rubbing salt in the wounds for the people of Port Talbot to hear the Government now acknowledge the importance of primary steel production as a strategic national asset. Where was this urgency when Welsh steel communities were crying out for support? Last year, when Tata Steel announced over 2,800 job losses at Port Talbot—the largest steelworks in the country, a key strategic asset, and the manufacturing heart of south Wales—there was no recall of Parliament, no Saturday sitting, no emergency legislation and no rapid mobilisation of the Government to save the day, despite every warning sign being there. The unions raised the alarm and industry experts warned of the economic shock, but the warnings were ignored. Now, faced with similar risks in England, the Government suddenly rediscover their ability to act swiftly. The simple fact is that the Government did not recall Parliament for Port Talbot, and they did not recall Parliament for Wales. If today’s decision is in the national interest, why did the Government not offer similar protections to Port Talbot, which had more capacity and greater output? Have the Government been fenced in by closing the blast furnaces at Port Talbot too early? How much of the steel supply chain will the Government now commit to protecting? Employment at Port Talbot fell from over 18,000 employees at its height over the past few decades to around 4,000 before last year’s closure decision, and now there are just 2,000 steelworkers employed there. Those jobs are sorely missed. Welsh steel is all around us, and Port Talbot once produced the steel used in everyday products such as Heinz baked beans tins. It is absolutely right that we are now acknowledging the importance of domestically produced steel. Communities that once powered the UK’s growth, particularly the Swansea valley, the Neath valley, Port Talbot and Maesteg, now face an economic reckoning with far too little urgency from this Government in return. This is personal for many of us from south Wales. My grandfather worked at the blast furnaces at the Port Talbot steelworks, and it gave him the opportunity, as it did many others, to set up his own business—in his case, a waste management company. That is what is really at risk now, and that is what is really withering away in south Wales. It is not just the jobs on the steelworks floor, but the entire network of small businesses, tradespeople and suppliers that rely on the steel industry’s presence in our communities. We know that for every steelworker made redundant, up to three or four local jobs are at risk of disappearing. The message from Westminster has been clear: when crisis hits in Wales, it is tolerated; when it hits elsewhere, it becomes a national emergency. We cannot go on like this. Steel is strategic, it is critical to our national resilience, and it matters just as much in south Wales as anywhere else. This Government’s failure to act swiftly in Wales, to consult transparently with workers and to invest in a serious and just transition has undermined confidence and left people in Port Talbot, Llanwern, Shotton and many others across Wales feeling abandoned. Some 2,800 jobs were lost at the blast furnaces alone, and many of those workers say they have simply been left behind. We have heard the Prime Minister say over the past few days that he wants to take control of steel. Why did he not say that when Welsh jobs were on the line? Why was Port Talbot not worth fighting for in the same way? We need a proper UK-wide industrial strategy—one that recognises the vital role of Welsh steel in our national economy and, most importantly, one that treats workers in every part of the UK with the same respect, urgency and seriousness. The steelworking communities of Wales have not forgotten the silence that met their cries for help, and they will not accept a future in which their communities are left behind.

• 24 Mar 2025 · European Union: UK Membership · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir John. I thank the hon. Member for Colne Valley (Paul Davies) for introducing this debate, as well as everyone who signed the petition. We all know by now that, thanks to the Conservatives and their allies in Reform, the relationship between the UK, Wales and the EU has been severely damaged. Falling out with our neighbours is particularly self-defeating during this fracturing era of global politics, and Wales is paying a particularly heavy price for that fraying relationship. We are a nation of manufacturers, small businesses and farmers, and those three sectors have been throttled by red tape, hindering our trade with the European Union. In my constituency, a small local business in Radnorshire that makes parts for classic motorcycles is heavily reliant on EU trade, yet over Christmas, with no warning from the Department for Business and Trade, it was told that it was now incompatible with EU directives. That is just one example of how Brexit-related bureaucracy is harming businesses and damaging trade with our neighbours. Farmers and the food and drink industry across Wales are also waiting for the long-promised UK veterinary agreement. Studies show that such an agreement could boost UK agrifood exports to the EU by at least 22%, providing a vital boost to rural areas such as mine. However, we have still received no timeline from the current Labour Government on when that is likely to happen. It is not just the economic impact, though, but the cultural and social loss for young people. I thank my good fortune that I had the opportunity to live and study at Leiden University in the Netherlands. Those sorts of opportunities broaden horizons and contribute to growth. One of the cruellest and most short-sighted decisions by the previous Government was pulling us out of the Erasmus programme. In Wales, the Liberal Democrats stepped up to reverse the damage. Former Education Minister Kirsty Williams introduced the Taith exchange programme that, unlike its English counterpart, has been praised for ensuring accessibility for students from less privileged backgrounds. Ultimately, the Liberal Democrats want to see the UK back at the heart of Europe, which would mean rejoining Erasmus, tearing down trade barriers and signing a youth mobility scheme with our EU counterparts —something the Labour Government have so far refused to do. The arc of human progress should ensure that older generations pass on more opportunities to younger generations than they have themselves enjoyed. We are living in a time when that arc of progress has gone into reverse, and us pro-Europeans must now win the argument for a stronger EU with Great Britain at its heart. I was concerned to hear the word “pragmatic” used several times in this debate, because it sounds like pragmatic reasons are being given as excuses for not making more progress in rebuilding our relationship with the EU. We should be concerned by talk about pragmatism and arguments made solely in rational language, because those arguments failed miserably in 2016, when arguments were built as to why we should stay in the European Union based solely on rational economic language. The EU is a pragmatic project, but at its core it is also an idealistic one. It is a project grounded in ideals, and in the idea that the nations of central Europe should never go to war again. It succeeded in that mission, making it one of the most successful political projects ever in mankind’s history. When we are making the argument for rejoining the European Union, let us use the language of idealism, not just rationalism. Unless we build a case for the UK to rejoin the EU based on idealist language and get people to buy into the ideals on which the European Union was founded, we will not have long-term buy-in to the project among the people we need to convince.

• 12 Mar 2025 · Employer National Insurance Contributions: Impact on Employment · Hansard source

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  The national insurance increase is set to hit high streets in Wales hard, with many traders saying that they will lay off staff as a result. Last week, the Government announced £100 million of funding to be spent on reinvigorating Welsh high streets, but no towns in the Swansea, Neath or Amman valleys were on that list. Will the Secretary of State clarify the criteria used to select the successful towns and whether areas such as Ystalyfera can expect to benefit from future funding? That is one high street that is certainly worth investing in.

• 27 Feb 2025 · St David’s Day and Welsh Affairs · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Members responsible for securing the debate. Our patron saint, St David, championed the virtues of leadership and perseverance, urging us to “do the little things”. His words, though centuries old, resonate powerfully as we face the ongoing challenges in our constituencies today. His words underscore the necessity for meticulous attention to the seemingly minor yet impactful decisions that together weave the effective fabric of governance. Over the past eight months, I have seen how small decisions can change lives for the better. The residents of Ystradgynlais are delighted to know that, following my request, a banking hub will be opening on their high street within the next three months. The banking hub will boost an already thriving high street and spur on the local economy. Ystradgynlais was once a vibrant hub of industrial activity. The closure of the “Tick Tock” factory in 1999 was a significant economic blow to the town, resulting in hundreds of redundancies. Established in the 1940s, the factories have been described to me as “the making” of local women. The factories thrived throughout the 1950s and into the 1960s, heralding a new era in the history of Ystradgynlais and the surrounding areas. Local women enjoyed economic independence regardless of their educational background or marital status. The flexibility in working hours offered at the factories was revolutionary, allowing women to structure their shift patterns to suit their family commitments. At their zenith, the factories employed around 2,000 workers and provided more than just employment; they fostered a community. Each worker was automatically a member of the social and recreational club, which featured rugby and football teams, a choir, and offered much more, including regular day trips and dances. Moreover, the closure of the Dewhirst factory in Ystalyfera in 1998 resulted in 300 job losses. The closure was part of a broader programme that hurt the local economy and the community’s wellbeing. The end of operations at Dewhirst highlights the vulnerability of such communities to global shifts in industrial practices and economic policies. Those closures are not ancient history; their effect is a stark, recent reality that continues to impact the community profoundly. The legacy of factories such as the Tick Tock and Dewhirst illustrates the pitfalls of globalisation. They show us how industries can significantly influence community building and social empowerment, but also how their closures can lead to profound community and economic disruption. Since then, successive Governments have failed to replace those jobs. Despite the challenges that the community faces, there is hope in initiatives such as the mobile banking hub coming to Ystradgynlais shortly. That will stand as a testament to the resilience and adaptive spirit of these communities. This institution signals a potential revival of economic engagement and empowerment. However, it also highlights the gaps left by the Government’s sporadic support and delayed responses, which fail to harness the full potential of Welsh innovation and resourcefulness. Wales, as we all know, is a mostly rural nation; a nation of small towns and villages. So one might imagine that the Labour party would understand the importance of rural public services, but people living in rural areas in Wales are watching as their services disappear one by one. Just this week, police stations in Crickhowell and Hay were closed without any prior warning. That will make it harder for the people who want to keep us safe to do their jobs. Police officers are key workers and their offices should be treated as such. Due to impending top-down reorganisations, small towns such as Knighton and Crickhowell are also facing the closure of their fire stations. How can anyone think it is a good idea even to consider taking fire engines out of communities that are frequently cut off by flooding? Following storm after storm over the past year, the fire service teams across Powys have proven themselves indispensable, and so are those services. These closures jeopardise public safety and erode trust in the state’s ability to protect and serve rural communities. Each closure and each cutback is a stark reminder of the Government’s wavering commitment to public safety, underscoring that the need to address this is not just a matter of convenience but a fundamental issue of community security. The controversy surrounding the demolition of Godre’r Graig primary school following its closure in 2019 due to a supposed landslide risk underscores the urgent need for transparency and evidence-based decision making that involves and listens to local communities. Despite the school marking the sixth anniversary of that closure, pupils and teachers remain in temporary classrooms without a clear plan for the future, and this uncertainty, coupled with local doubts about the actual risks posed by the nearby quarry spoil tip, calls for a thorough examination of the facts to ensure that policies are built on solid foundations. Drawing inspiration from the great Welsh leader David Lloyd George—the greatest Welsh politician of all time, and the longest continuously serving MP in this House’s history, with 55 years of continuous service—we are reminded of the transformative power of bold and decisive action. In his own words: “The finest eloquence is that which gets things done”. Lloyd George, who reshaped British society in the early 20th early century with progressive reforms, understood the balance between vision and action, and his legacy is a testament to the impact that that visionary leadership can have on a nation’s course. Now that the spirit of Welsh liberalism breathes again in this Chamber, I want to turn Wales into a nation of winners again, because the Welsh Liberal Democrats are winning in Wales once again. Today, let us embody the spirit of St David by committing to both the small deeds and significant actions necessary to secure a prosperous future for Wales. Let us move boldly forward, together advocating for St David’s Day to be recognised as a national holiday.

• 27 Feb 2025 · St David’s Day and Welsh Affairs · Hansard source

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  Will the right hon. Lady give way?

• 27 Feb 2025 · St David’s Day and Welsh Affairs · Hansard source

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  Will the right hon. Lady give way?

• 27 Feb 2025 · St David’s Day and Welsh Affairs · Hansard source

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  I do of course support my hon. Friend’s campaign, and I hope he will also endorse our campaign for St David’s Day to be considered a public holiday.

• 27 Feb 2025 · St David’s Day and Welsh Affairs · Hansard source

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  Will the Secretary of State give way?

• 25 Feb 2025 · Groceries Code Adjudicator · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend for highlighting the achievements of the Liberal Democrats in power, particularly the fact that we have a long record of standing up for rural communities. The physical hills that Welsh farmers have to climb are getting steeper. Energy and fertiliser costs are rising, subsidy schemes are changing and farm incomes are falling. To make matters worse, the Government’s family farm tax threatens to further strain their livelihoods. Those are just a few of the battles that farmers face. Their industry deserves a fair market, and it is for that reason that the Liberal Democrats introduced the Groceries Code Adjudicator during the coalition years.

• 25 Feb 2025 · Groceries Code Adjudicator · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend for her intervention. She is absolutely right to highlight the power imbalance between the producers and the retailers. It is quite right that she also focuses on the important research that has been done on this topic by organisations like Riverford. The evidence they have provided has been crucial in helping us push forward the campaign for fairer prices for producers. It is my belief, and that of many farmers and producers I represent, that the Groceries Code Adjudicator needs to be strengthened, better resourced, and its remit expanded if we are to ensure fairness in our supply chain.

• 25 Feb 2025 · Groceries Code Adjudicator · Hansard source

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  I thank my right hon. Friend for his intervention. I agree wholeheartedly. He will be aware that the levy that supermarkets pay to fund the Groceries Code Adjudicator has not been increased since 2018, despite the massive increases in food prices and supermarket profits since then.

• 25 Feb 2025 · Groceries Code Adjudicator · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Member for her intervention. She is absolutely right to draw attention to the plight of Welsh farmers. Their livelihoods are under threat. That is why it is so important that we ensure greater fairness in the supply chain for them, to ensure that they get a fair price for what they produce, and that the Government are fully aware of the impact the tax changes they wish to make will have on the rural communities we represent. Rural communities are really suffering at the moment. We know that constituencies like my own are losing thousands of young people every year because there are fewer and fewer jobs to go around. The long-term consequences of that are terminal. That is why it is so important that we ensure that farming, the engine of the rural economy, continues to generate profit and jobs throughout the rural economy. The GCA has improved the rights of farmers, but producers still report bullying behaviour by major suppliers. Just a few examples of the ongoing mistreatment of producers: a delay in payments—sometimes farmers and producers are not paid for up to and sometimes exceeding 45 days; no compensation for forecasting errors; de-listing; changes to orders placed and orders eventually accepted. It is a story of David versus Goliath. With six major buyers and 14 retailers covered by the GCA, the supermarkets have often been accused of using their collective buying power to force thousands of farmers and producers to plough on with prices that have fallen below the cost of production. Supermarkets helped themselves to a 97% surge in profits in the last year alone. They passed on higher prices to customers during the inflationary crisis, yet they are not handing on a fair share of that to producers. I am raising this issue after a local farmer told me how a supermarket went back on its pledge to buy animals he had spent years rearing, leaving him at a loss. That is not a small loss for a local farmer. The costs involved in raising livestock to maturity are immense, and the losses when supermarkets change their mind are damaging to local producers. A recent survey on behalf of Riverford found that 45% of farmers feared going out of business, with 75% of those asked saying that treatment by supermarket buyers was one of their top concerns. Research from Sustain has found that only 5% of farmers want to sell to supermarkets due to having little say over prices and not enough connection to shoppers. The consequences of unfair practices extend far beyond individual farms. The UK’s food security is at risk when farmers are unable to make a living from their work. As more farmers are forced out of business, we become increasingly reliant on imported food, which can be subject to price fluctuations and supply chain disruptions. This brings me to the role of the Groceries Code Adjudicator. While the GCA and the groceries supply code of practice—I will refer to this as the code—are highly regarded among farmers and the rest of the industry, I often hear from local producers in my constituency that they feel that the GCA does not have all the powers it needs to fully level the playing field between farmers, producers and retailers. Beyond powers, there remains work to be done on increasing awareness of the GCA among farmers. Although awareness of the GCA and its roles has increased since 2014, it has stalled recently, and a significant number of producers still do not fully understand its role. More worryingly, many farmers still feel reprisals for reporting breaches of the code. A staggering 67% of farmers have reported fearing being de-listed should they speak out about unfair practice by supermarkets. That means that there is almost certainly an under-reporting of incidents to the GCA, which undermines its effectiveness. More needs to be done to improve confidence in the system for producers and to enable the GCA to instil understanding and trust in its role. That also extends to the requirement for the GCA to have received a complaint to launch a report. People I speak to in the industry would like the GCA to have the ability to launch its own investigations without having to wait for a farmer to report malpractice first. An example of using that power in practice could be launching an investigation into the recent issues with Amazon or concerns over the chicken meat supply chain. The parameters of the GCA and the code are insufficient in an ever-changing food market. The inclusion of Amazon into the 14 suppliers covered by the GCA was a welcome move, but given Amazon’s low level of compliance with the code, it raises serious questions about whether other significant retailers who make less than £1 billion in revenue from the food system are falling through the gap. Likewise, there are serious concerns that food processors, packagers and manufacturers who act as the middle people between farmers and retailers are also falling through the gaps when it comes to regulation, despite collectively supplying over half of Britain’s food. The GCA’s seven golden rules have been widely welcomed by the sector. To protect suppliers, the rules should be fully incorporated into the code, rather than only being guidelines. This needs to happen quickly, because suppliers are continuing to experience difficulties in cost price increase negotiations as a result of the ongoing inflation crisis we find ourselves in the middle of. The supermarkets are willing to use energy and fertiliser price inflation as justification for increasing prices for customers, but are seemingly unwilling to pay farmers a fair price that recognises those changes and the increased input costs for farmers. The Government must strengthen the Groceries Code Adjudicator and the groceries code to ensure that we have true fairness across supply chains. First, the Government can improve the visibility of the GCA and awareness of its work. The GCA must give farmers the confidence to report issues and to know that they will be handled confidentially, especially as many farmers feel that they may be punished or blacklisted for making complaints. Secondly, the GCA only has seven members of staff, including the adjudicator himself, yet is responsible for regulating an industry worth billions of pounds. The GCA’s reliance on temporary and seconded staff hinders its ability to enforce the code. Giving the GCA a dedicated staff team would allow it to respond effectively at all times and to build and retain specialist knowledge. Likewise, the GCA should not have to wait for a producer to report malpractice. If it suspects that retailers are not complying with the code, let it launch its own independent investigations. We should also move to expand the remit, as over half of the food being supplied by packagers, processors, distributors and manufacturers and in several other key areas of the food supply chain still falls outside of the regulation. The seven golden rules have been rightly welcomed across the industry, but many concerns remain that those are only guidelines set by the GCA, rather than forming part of the code itself. Legally incorporating them into the code would help to ensure that producers are fully covered when it comes to reports of unfair cost-price negotiations. Overall, the Groceries Code Adjudicator is improving the relationship between farmers and large retailers, but as our food market evolves, so too must the GCA. By expanding its remit, providing additional resources and enhancing its enforcement powers, the Government can ensure that the GCA truly works for farmers and producers, and ensures fairness in the food supply chain. Let’s give our food system the fair market it needs, let’s give our rural communities the support they need, and let’s make sure that the GCA remains a strong and effective safeguard for the future of our food system. I look forward to other hon. Members’ contributions and the Minister’s response.