Anneliese Midgley MP: speeches

Speeches

• 27 Apr 2026 · Public Office (Accountability) Bill (Carry-over) · Hansard source

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  Ten years ago yesterday, the Hillsborough inquest jury delivered its historic verdict, concluding that 96 Liverpool fans who died at Hillsborough in 1989 were unlawfully killed. In the years since, the 96 have become 97. The families continue to campaign with dignity and determination for the Hillsborough law, to ensure a statutory duty of candour for public officials and to prevent such injustices from ever happening again. I am really disappointed that 10 years from that verdict and 580 days since the Prime Minister committed at our party conference to bring forward this legislation, it has yet to be delivered for the families and for my city. I have been in touch with Margaret Aspinall and Charlotte Hennessy, who had loved ones who went to the match that day and did not come home. Their names are James Aspinall and Jimmy Hennessy. There are some words that they would like me to say and put on the record on their behalf today, if I may, Madam Deputy Speaker. “We would like to acknowledge the good work and progress that was initially made in relation to the Bill and welcome the roll over but we would also like to remind everyone of who this Bill is for—The Public. This is not about Hillsborough families, it is not about egos, this is about protecting others from the corrupt. Lately it has felt like ‘Families first’ has meant ‘Families last’. We understand that there may be rare and exceptional circumstances, where immediate disclosure could create risks to ‘National security’ and we do not oppose sensible safeguards where they are truly necessary but so often that very same confidential information is leaked straight to the press by someone in government before families can even review it. That is not the actions of putting families first. It is unspeakably cruel, and unnecessary. We were promised inclusion within this process and we would like a guarantee that the leaks to the media will stop, the delays will stop and everyone involved will refocus and remember that this is a legacy for 97 innocent victims as well as future generations and a manifesto pledge made by the prime minister. Margaret Aspinall & Charlotte Hennessy.” I plead with the Government: let their words be heard, and followed to the letter. The Prime Minister promised the families that the Bill would be delivered in full, and that promise needs to be fulfilled. Justice for the 97, and for all other victims of state cover-ups! I thank the Minister with responsibility for victims for her tenacity and passion for seeing this Bill through and getting it right. I honestly love working with her, and I have complete confidence that she will deliver this. I welcome the fact that the Bill is being protected and carried over, but let us proceed with urgency, care and a shared determination to get this done in collaboration with and with respect for the families. Let me end by again quoting Margaret Aspinall. When I last saw her, she said to me: “The truth costs nothing, lies cost millions and destroy lives.”

• 20 Apr 2026 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source

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  I want to focus on one of the flagship measures in the Bill: clause 1, headed “Power to compel attendance at sentencing hearing”. This law has been fought for—and will today be won—by my constituent Cheryl Korbel. It will compel convicted criminals to attend their sentencing hearings, and will ensure that there are meaningful consequences if they refuse. Where I am from, we call it Olivia’s law. For me, today is all about Olivia, Cheryl, and Antonia, her cousin. This has been some journey for Cheryl—one that began in unimaginable circumstances. Cheryl’s daughter Olivia was nine years old when she was murdered in her own home by a stranger with a gun in August 2022. The murderer, Thomas Cashman, fired a bullet through the door of Olivia’s home. It passed through Cheryl’s wrist before hitting Olivia in the chest and ending her life. To lose a child to murder in your own home, while you are trying to protect them, is a burden no parent should ever be asked to bear, but Olivia’s murderer remained in his cell, and refused to face the court, to hear Cheryl’s words, or to look her in the eye. It was the act of a coward. Since then, Cheryl has been fighting for that injustice to end. I first met Cheryl and Antonia when they came to my first surgery as their MP. Since that day, we have stood side by side. We have worked to turn this campaign into law. We raised the matter with Ministers, and took it to the Prime Minister. It is fair to say that Cheryl and Antonia have been to the House of Commons so often that they have met most of the Cabinet and half of the parliamentary Labour party. On Second Reading, Cheryl allowed me the privilege of reading her victim impact statement in the Chamber. I did that because her words carry more power than anything I could possibly say, and I wanted them to be heard by the world. Olivia’s murderer, Thomas Cashman, refused to hear those words. I would like to read a few words from the statement today: “My nine-year-old Liv was the light of our lives, our beautiful, sassy, chatty girl who never ran out of energy. She was a character, she was my baby…She will never get to make her holy communion, wear that prom dress or have a sweet 16th birthday, walk down the aisle with the man of her dreams or become a mother of her own children. All that promise for her future so cruelly taken away. Now I have to drive to the cemetery to be close to my baby daughter…telling her I miss her smile, her kisses, her cuddles, her voice.” Cashman should have heard those words, but he could make the choice not to. That is the injustice at the heart of this matter, because Cheryl did speak. She found the strength to put into words the love that she has for her daughter, and the devastation that she has to face every single day. Today, we ensure that turning away and hiding is no longer an option. I thank the Government, especially the Minister, for listening to Cheryl. I know there were times when Cheryl thought that this day would never come; well, Cheryl, it has. Cheryl and I are two peas in a pod. We have both just turned 50; she turned 50 on Saturday—happy birthday! We are both from council estates in the same part of town. We both had working-class upbringings, and families who did not have much, but worked hard and gave us everything in love. That matters, because it speaks to who Cheryl is. She is someone who lifts people and brings warmth and strength to others, even in her darkest moments. Alongside her has been her remarkable cousin, Antonia. Together, they have been relentless; they have taken unimaginable grief and turned it into change. Because of both of them, victims’ voices will be heard. This law is Cheryl’s achievement, and it is Olivia’s legacy. We honour her and all the other campaigners and victims who fought for this law, and I am properly proud that it is a Labour Government delivering it.

• 25 Mar 2026 · Waste Crime: Knowsley · Hansard source

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  I thank the hon. Gentleman for that intervention, which will come as a surprise to no one. Yes, I know that Labour’s waste-crime action plan addresses many of the concerns that he has raised, and I am sure that the Minister will go into that in more detail in her response.

• 25 Mar 2026 · Waste Crime: Knowsley · Hansard source

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  I know that my hon. Friend has done such hard work for her constituency of Blackpool North and Fleetwood in campaigning on this. We are working closely together on this issue, and I absolutely agree: a big part of the problem is about the resources and enforcement powers of the Environment Agency, which, again, Labour’s waste plan will go some way to addressing. I am sure the Minister will respond to us with more detail about that.

• 25 Mar 2026 · Waste Crime: Knowsley · Hansard source

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  Absolutely. I pay tribute, once again, to my hon. Friend for the work that she has been doing with me on that specific site in her constituency. She is right. In a moment, I will move on to another site with major issues, but where the Environment Agency did move swiftly, which has made such a difference. I absolutely agree with her. I do not want my constituents in Kirkby to face another summer with this stench and smell. Summer is something that we should look forward to, but they are going to be dreading it. I will move on to the next waste dump, which I have briefly mentioned. Late last year, between 15,000 and 20,000 tonnes of waste was illegally dumped just off the M57 and East Lancs Road. That is enough to fill more than 12 Olympic-sized swimming pools, and it is one of the largest illegal waste sites in the country. If those roads had to close because there were any issues or problems from that waste dump, 800 businesses could be affected, with 20,000 employees struggling, or not able, to get into work. These sites show that there has been a failure throughout the system. Taken together, they send a message that Knowsley is being treated as a dumping ground, and that is impossible for me and my constituents to ignore. We can see what is happening across the country. The Government have rightly stepped in to support the clean-up of illegal waste sites, first in Oxford, and now announced for Wigan, Lancashire and Sheffield. That is great, but what about the dumps affecting Knowsley? I am sure that the Minister will understand why my constituents and I see that as unfair. It is not right for my constituents and struggling local authority to have to pick up the tab for outright criminal behaviour.

• 19 Jan 2026 · Public Office (Accountability) Bill · Hansard source

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  The response of the shadow Justice Secretary, the hon. Member for West Suffolk (Nick Timothy), while families are sitting with us in the Public Gallery, was one that he should be ashamed of. As the Minister knows, for me, this has always been about families first. It is crystal clear that the Government cannot progress the Bill without the full confidence and support of the families who have fought for decades for justice, and it is right that the Government listen to the families and pause today. The Prime Minister made a direct promise to those families that the Hillsborough law would be delivered in full. Any amendment that fails to satisfy the families on the duty of candour of individuals in the security services is a red line for me and for so many other colleagues in this place. Will the Minister promise me that she will work like the clappers with the families to introduce an amendment that has their full support, and that she will deliver justice for all victims of state cover-ups, so that we can finally say, “Never again”?

• 14 Jan 2026 · Engagements · Hansard source

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  Q2. I thank the Prime Minister for his commitment to delivering the Hillsborough law, but it has been proven that MI5 spent six years misleading the public and concealing information following the Manchester Arena bombing. There was no risk to national security because it was a closed hearing, so will the Prime Minister deliver justice for those families and confirm that the Government will bring forward an amendment that will make robust the duties and responsibilities of candour for all parts of the state, including individuals in the security services, so we can finally say, “Never again”?

• 2 Dec 2025 · Public Office (Accountability) Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend for tabling these amendments. I remind the Committee that, on Second Reading, the Prime Minister said from the Dispatch Box: “This Bill will tackle that injustice so that when tragedy strikes and the state is called to account, in inquiries, inquests and other investigations, public officials—from police officers to the highest offices in the land—will be subject to that duty. That means that an injustice like this can never again hide in some dark corner of the state. Failure to comply—failure, therefore, to act with candour, transparency and frankness—will now carry criminal penalties, including being sent to prison.” —[ Official Report , 3 November 2025; Vol. 774, c. 655.] I just wanted to add that to this debate.

• 27 Nov 2025 · Public Office (Accountability) Bill (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q Thank you very much, Pete, for coming to give evidence. Going back to the stuff that has been raised about the intelligence services, will you state plainly whether you think clause 6 strikes the right balance between candour and national security, and what is the problem that the Hillsborough Law Now briefing raises with regard to schedule 1? Pete Weatherby: We have had very detailed discussions with the Government about this over the last year, and clause 6 was the culmination of those. The clause baldly states that the provisions apply to the intelligence services, but with a caveat. That caveat in clause 6 is fine. The Government came up with a slight issue, which was that intelligence officers might inadvertently, without realising it, notify things that affect national security. The caveat in clause 6 deals with that, and that is fine. What it does not deal with is the clause 2(4) duty to provide the evidence subject to the notification. I am sorry if this is a bit legalistic, but there is a clear difference there. What would happen is that the intelligence service would notify the inquiry or investigation of the fact that it had relevant information or evidence to give, but then the individuals within the intelligence service would be required to provide the material. Because the intelligence service is sighted on that, the material from the individual intelligence officers goes through the intelligence services before it goes to the investigation, so the national security aspect is dealt with—no problem. We thought that was what the Government had agreed to, but when we look at a rather obscure part of schedule 1, clause 2(4) still applies, except that you cannot make it apply, because it stops the issuing of a compliance notice, which is what kick-starts the application of clause 2(4). So that device disapplies it, and that is the problem. If you just changed the schedule 1 thing, clause 6 would be fine. That is what we thought we had agreed to, to deal with the legitimate national security aspect. It is important that the individual responsibilities apply to intelligence officers as well, subject to the national security checks. We do not think that is a problem at all. We challenged the intelligence services to tell us how it is a problem, and they have not. If they do not apply, you end up in the Manchester Arena situation, where the evidence was corporate and was wrong. It was not until the chair, who was extremely good, called the intelligence officers themselves—on oath, in closed proceedings—that the false narrative that had been put forward corporately was unpicked. I am sorry if that is a bit complicated, but that is the problem. It is easily solved, and there would be no effect on national security. It would make our intelligence services better, in the same way as the rest of the Bill makes local authorities, police forces and everybody else better.

• 27 Nov 2025 · Public Office (Accountability) Bill (First sitting) · Hansard source

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  Q I have two questions for the whole panel. To start with, thank you so much for everything that you have done. There is no doubt about it; we would not be here in this room today with the Bill where it is without your work. We heard in an earlier evidence session from Pete Weatherby KC, the director of Hillsborough Law Now, who talked about command responsibility. He said that without the amendment, a lot of the duties in the Bill are reduced to something that looks good, but is rather ineffective. He also talked about application to the intelligence services. Do you agree with what Pete Weatherby said to us today? Owing to the shortness of time, I will ask my second question as well: what do you think the Bill Committee needs to hear from you today? Charlotte Hennessy: We completely support what Pete said earlier and the amendments that he has suggested. We are in full agreement with all the information that has been included in the Bill. Going forward, we need to acknowledge that Hillsborough is our story, but there are many, many others. We also need to acknowledge that the Hillsborough Law Now campaign group is made up of so many other examples of miscarriages of justice. They will have submitted their own evidence to you, so I will not name them all today, but we need to ensure that there is change going forward. We cannot keep allowing the same situations to repeat. Not to be disrespectful, but ultimately we also need to acknowledge that the current laws that are in place failed to secure prosecutions against those that were responsible. David Duckenfield told that one lie while he stood over people who were scrambling for their lives. He got away with that because the Crown Prosecution failed to secure a criminal case against him. He was offered sympathy while family members had to sit and watch. He was allowed to place files so that he did not have to look at the family members that were sat in the public gallery. We could sit and talk about examples all day. Norman Bettison was in this building. He briefed people about what happened at Hillsborough. He was allowed to do that. He was then made chief constable of Merseyside and then he was knighted. He was complicit in the cover-up. We have to change it. It has to stop. Margaret Aspinall: I have to thank Maria Eagle—if you don’t mind, Maria. I always remember, a good few years ago, Maria having the power—the guts—to stand up in Parliament and say that it was “black propaganda” with Bettison. She was absolutely spot on. When I look back over the years and think about what Charlotte was saying earlier, Mr Duckenfield—I call him Mr Duckenfield out of respect to all of you; otherwise I would not—walked away scot-free. He went missing for a couple of hours and not one person knew where he was. He could not remember where he had been; he could not remember where he was. He must have been the bloody Invisible Man because, good God, there’s no way. I think the police were scared to say exactly where he was. They were all scared; they were all covering up for each other. To me, that is an absolute, utter, utter disgrace of a system in this country. I know we can’t bring judges up, but there is a few of them should be brought up. When we were at the private prosecution, where a judge could turn round and tell Mr Duckenfield, “Don’t worry, Mr Duckenfield, you won’t get a custodial sentence,” we knew then we had no chance—no chance. He directed the jury twice, because they came in and asked a question. For him to turn round and say, “What message are you sending out to the emergency services if you come back with guilty?”, what does that tell all of you? It tells you we had no chance whatsoever. We were up against a system that was corrupt from the very top to the bottom. I feel sometimes we are on trial yet again for what happened at Hillsborough, because we are sitting here like this. I feel I am trying to ask all of you to do the right thing. I have asked the Prime Minister. He made that promise; he made a phone call to me that he would do the right thing. As Charlotte said, we thank him for that. He has made that promise; he will have to fulfil that promise. He has also promised it would not be watered down. For Hillsborough families—and for the likes of Ian as well, who was at that game and who knows what we have all gone through and what the survivors went through—we are here to change a system that should have been changed decades ago. When you look at all the cover-ups that have gone on—I can name them all, but I won’t, because I am sure you all know—it is a disgrace that we are sitting here now, 36 years on, trying to change the system. I am asking all of you, please don’t let anybody else go through what we have gone through. Please, I ask you all: do the right thing.

• 3 Nov 2025 · Public Office (Accountability) Bill · Hansard source

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  That day in April 1989 will never leave us. Fans went to the match and never came home. They were not lost; they were unlawfully killed. Authorities protecting themselves; decades of denial, distortion, and lies; a press slandering the dead and the grieving; a cover-up and systematic failure of the state that cut deeper and lasted longer than anyone could have imagined—and still not one successful prosecution. That is why we are here today. That is why the families and survivors continue to fight. We have all seen their courage and determination, and I cannot express what it means to be in this place with so many members of the Hillsborough families with us in the Chamber today. One of them is Margaret Aspinall, from Huyton. She has asked me to say some words on her behalf. She has repeated many times to the Prime Minister and the Attorney General that the group wants the Hillsborough law to be delivered in its entirety, with no changes or watering down. That will create a system that is so much fairer for families who have lost a loved one in a state-related death. Today, it is the perpetrators who get the help, while the victims get a massive cover-up. It must never again be a one-way system. Delivering on that promise means delivering the Hillsborough law in full. That means imposing duties on chief officers, rather than corporate bodies. This matters, because the duty should have been on the chief constable, Peter Wright, rather than on South Yorkshire police. Requiring proof of harm makes the “misleading the public” offence impractical and ineffective. Delivering the Hillsborough law in full also means bringing forward an amendment to deal with combined and local authority inquiries. Without such an amendment, the result could be the intelligence services failing to properly provide the full facts to inquiries. We must avoid what the King’s Counsel to the families of those who tragically lost their lives in the Manchester Arena attack called “institutional defensiveness” and a lack of candour from MI5. As this Bill progresses, the families and Members of this House will continue to watch, in order to make sure that the Hillsborough law is exactly what this Government deliver. Margaret’s son, James Aspinall, died at Hillsborough aged just 18. She was forced to accept 1,200 quid, which was supposed to represent compensation for James’s life—1,200 quid for the life of her son. She was forced to cash it against her will because she could not find the money to pay her share of the families’ legal costs. As she has said, “Making a mother, like myself, accept a pittance to fight a cause. The guilt of this has lived with me for years.” Such practices have not stopped; since the Hillsborough verdict, other families have been made to beg for legal aid. Charlotte Hennessy is a constituent of my right hon. Friend the Member for Alyn and Deeside (Sir Mark Tami), who as a Government Whip does not have the opportunity to speak today and tell her story. Charlotte was just six when her dad, Jimmy Hennessy, went to the match and never came home. Jimmy was 29. He was a plasterer, a man of morals, a mod—he looked good—and a respected family man. For 23 years, Charlotte was told that he died of traumatic asphyxiation. It was not until 2012 that she learned the truth. Her dad was found alive on that pitch. A police officer testified that he felt life and gave him CPR. Jimmy was carried to the gym, where he was supposed to receive medical support. He was declared dead, but he was not dead; he was still alive when he was zipped into a body bag, and he vomited inside it. The pathology report was false: Jimmy did not die in the crush, but from inhalation of his own gastric contents. Can you imagine dying like that? Can you imagine knowing that your dad died like that? Charlotte has told me about the agony of living with an official lie, but she has fought to piece together her dad’s truth. She told me: “A Hillsborough Law, with a duty of candour, is imperative. It must stop corruption and prevent any other family from going through” the pain that her family went through. It is right that the Government have attempted to match the courage of the families and to be bold, but Hillsborough is not a one-off. Again and again, the state fails those who need the most protection. There must be justice for the 97, but also for every family who have faced the same nightmare, or might face it one day. We cannot let them down. This Bill must be delivered in full, with no watering down. I look forward to the Minister promising, as the Prime Minister has from the Dispatch Box today, that this Bill will be the Hillsborough law—that it will be strong enough to protect every victim of state failure and finally deliver justice for the 97.

• 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source

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  Before I begin, I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Bolsover (Natalie Fleet) for her bravery and for the remarkable work she has done in her short time in this place, including on this Bill with new clause 14. I am so proud to be on these Benches with her. I am going to speak to a measure at the heart of the Bill today. Attendance at sentencing hearings will compel convicted criminals to attend those hearings and provide the strongest of consequences when they refuse. This law is for Olivia Pratt-Korbel and other victims. In August 2024, two of the most remarkable women I have ever met walked into my first MP surgery. They were my constituents Cheryl Korbel and Antonia Elverson, who are with us in the Gallery today. Cheryl is Olivia’s mum, and Antonia is Cheryl’s cousin. On 22 August 2022, Olivia, a little girl—just nine years old—was murdered by a stranger in her own home. The murderer, Thomas Cashman, fired a bullet through the door of Olivia’s home, which passed through the wrist of her mum, Cheryl, before hitting Olivia in the chest and ending her life. Cheryl fought with her heart and soul to save her baby. No mother should have to go through such unimaginable pain. While nothing in this world can bring Olivia back and nothing can hold back a grief so great, looking the person responsible in the eye and telling them to their face the cost of their crime, and the effect it has had on the lives of their loved ones, can give victims just a small semblance of justice and closure. But Cheryl never had that chance. Under our current justice system, the ball is in the criminal’s court—criminals can choose to opt out of attending their sentencing, which is exactly what Olivia’s murderer did. Cashman chose to remain in his cell, refusing to face the court to hear Cheryl’s words or look her in the eye. It was the act of a coward. However, instead of collapsing under this weight, Cheryl fought back. She and her family have campaigned with their all so that no other family will suffer what they have suffered. That is why I read out Cheryl’s victim impact statement in full on Second Reading. They were the words that the murderer and coward Thomas Cashman refused to hear. I wanted the words of Cheryl Korbel committed to this House so that they would be on the record in this place forever. I wanted her words to ring out in this Chamber for all the world to hear, as they should have done in Cashman’s ears that day.

• 16 Sept 2025 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  I thank the Deputy Prime Minister for his announcement on the Hillsborough law. For decades, the families have carried the weight of injustice, and Governments have failed to act. Today, the Hillsborough law will be laid before this House, but it must not be another false start. Will the Deputy Prime Minister promise me that this Bill will be the Hillsborough law, and that it will emerge stronger and not weaker from Parliament and, finally, deliver justice for the 97?

• 4 Sept 2025 · Duty of Candour · Hansard source

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  The families have been campaigning for a Hillsborough law for 36 years, and their demand has always been clear: a law with a duty of candour at its heart. There have been too many broken promises and missed deadlines. Can the Solicitor General tell me when the Government will bring forward the Hillsborough law? Will it honour the promises made to victims of state cover-ups and finally deliver justice for the 97?

• 4 Sept 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  A book by investigative journalist Nick Davies is out today. It reveals the true scale of the deletion of millions of emails and evidence essential to Parliament, the police and the courts in uncovering the truth about phone hacking by Rupert Murdoch employees. Might we have a debate on the reality of two-tier justice—cover-up, corruption and contempt of law—in which oligarchs place themselves above scrutiny?

• 3 Sept 2025 · Duty of Candour for Public Authorities and Legal Representation for Bereaved Families · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mrs Hobhouse. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool West Derby (Ian Byrne) for securing this debate. The day of 15 April 1989 will never leave us. On that day, fans went to the match and never came home. They were not “lost”. They were unlawfully killed: authorities protecting themselves; decades of denial, distortion and lies; that Sun front page ; a cover-up; the systematic failure of the state; and still not one successful prosecution. Charlotte Hennessy is a constituent of my right hon. Friend the Member for Alyn and Deeside (Sir Mark Tami), who, as Government Deputy Chief Whip, cannot tell her story. Charlotte was six when her dad, Jimmy Hennessy, died. Jimmy was a plasterer, a man of morals, and a mod—he looked good. She was told that he died of traumatic asphyxiation, but in 2012 she learnt the truth: her dad was found alive on that pitch. Jimmy was carried to the gym, where he was meant to receive medical help, but he was declared dead. He was not; he was still alive when he was zipped into a body bag—he vomited inside it. Jimmy did not die in the crush; he died of his own vomit while zipped inside a body bag. Charlotte told me that a Hillsborough law with a duty of candour is imperative. The Government must now match the courage of the families and campaigners who have fought for this. Will they be bold enough to lay the Hillsborough law? Hillsborough was not a one-off. Again and again, the state has failed those who need its protection most. Last year, the Prime Minister promised to deliver a Hillsborough law, but the Government’s own target to introduce the Bill by 15 April this year has been missed. Families have waited too long and there have been too many broken promises. I ask the Minister: when will the Hillsborough law come before Parliament? When it does, will it give justice to the 97? Will it be worthy of their memory? Will it be strong enough to protect every victim of state failure?

• 11 Jul 2025 · Rare Cancers Bill · Hansard source

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  I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Edinburgh South West (Dr Arthur), and congratulate him on bringing this crucial Bill before the House. I pay tribute to him and to every Member who has spoken so powerfully today. When this Bill becomes law, it will ease pain, save lives, and ensure justice and fairness in relation to a disease that is indiscriminate. A number of constituents have contacted me, urging me to support the Bill today. They all have their own stories—their own first-hand experience—each one so moving and powerful. Today, though, I want to relay the story of one of them: Chelsea. Chelsea is a 31-year-old mother to a 10-year-old boy. She was diagnosed with a rare, aggressive form of sarcoma in April 2024. For more than a year before her diagnosis, Chelsea did everything right—she made repeated visits to the GP and to A&E, clearly presenting with symptoms that should have been checked out, but time and again, her concerns were dismissed. She was not listened to; she was ignored, and that failure led to a devastating delay in diagnosis. By the time she was taken seriously, her cancer had progressed to stage 4. She has endured two major surgeries and has now been on oral chemotherapy for over a year, and will remain on it for three more. Her risk of recurrence is extremely high. Chelsea’s story is heartbreaking, but it is not unique. I am just thankful that she is still here for her son and loved ones, and I will do everything I can to ensure she gets the best treatment available as quickly as possible. Too many people with rare cancers are forced to fight not just the disease, but the system—a system that fails to recognise the symptoms early, under-invests in research, and leaves patients feeling unheard and alone. I am so proud to support this Bill, and I am so thankful to my hon. Friend the Member for Edinburgh South West for bringing it before the House today.