Andrew Cooper MP: speeches

Speeches

• 11 Sept 2025 · Regional Transport Inequality · Hansard source

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  Will my hon. Friend give way for a very short intervention?

• 11 Sept 2025 · Regional Transport Inequality · Hansard source

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  Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I will do my best to indulge you on the fly. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Derby North (Catherine Atkinson) for securing this debate. Transport is not just about going from one place to another; it is about enabling progress. It opens doors to education, employment and enterprise, while also keeping us connected to the people and communities that matter most. But for many communities, particularly across the north, transport has not been a catalyst for opportunity, but a source of disadvantage. Deep-rooted inequalities in regional infrastructure have left countless towns and cities disconnected, limiting access to jobs, education and essential services. The consequences of this divide are tangible, affecting lives, livelihoods and the ability of entire regions to thrive. That is because transport investment in the UK has been starkly unequal for decades. While London and the south-east have benefited from sustained strategic funding, many towns and cities across the north have been left behind, with ageing infrastructure, underfunded networks and, crucially, missed opportunities for growth. The numbers speak for themselves. Historically, per capita transport spending in London has dwarfed that of the north. Indeed, analysis shows that had the north received the same level of transport infrastructure investment per person as London between 2010 and 2020, it would have gained an additional £66 billion, funding it has ultimately missed out on due to regional disparities in infrastructure investment. In my local area, inadequate transport infrastructure remains one of the most significant barriers to unlocking the full potential of Northwich, Winsford and Middlewich. It is a major obstacle to attracting new businesses, creating jobs and driving investment. But I hope that change is coming thanks to this Labour Government. The recent reforms to the Treasury’s Green Book represent a turning point. The updated Green Book places greater emphasis on regional equity, and on the long-term social and economic benefits of investment. It recognises that value is not just measured in pounds and pence, but measured in lives improved, communities connected and futures transformed. It is a chance to rebalance our economy, invest in the infrastructure that powers productivity, and ensure that no matter where someone lives—whether it be Middlewich or Manchester, Winsford or Warrington—they have access to the same opportunities as someone living in London or the south-east. The Government have begun this policy with action: with real, visible investment in northern transport, from rail upgrades and new bus routes to road building schemes, such as the Middlewich eastern bypass in my constituency. I am proud to say it was this Labour Government who delivered the investment for this vital project—although I suspect the former Minister approved it just to stop me camping outside her office and badgering her in the Tea Room. I am grateful for her support, but her successor should know that this now means my lobbying powers are free to be directed to other noble causes, such as improvements to the Winnington bridge and step-free access at Northwich station

• 2 Sept 2025 · English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill · Hansard source

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  Does my hon. Friend agree that mayoral development corporations need to be brought under the remit of the new local audit offices that are proposed in the Bill, placing the power to audit them beyond reasonable doubt?

• 2 Sept 2025 · English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to speak on what may prove to be one of the most impactful and transformative pieces of legislation of this Parliament. The Bill represents one of the most significant shifts in local government in more than half a century. It sets out a clear ambition to move power out of Westminster and into the hands of local leaders who know their communities best. For areas such as Cheshire and Warrington, that has the potential finally to give us the tools we need to unlock our full potential and to deliver real, tangible benefits for our communities. On transport alone, the opportunity is to talk no longer about the decline in bus services but about how we are providing new routes; and to hear, instead of that we have been campaigning for a bridge or railway link for 40 years, “We have a plan to deliver.” On skills, instead of the 92% drop in adult education starters that has occurred in my area between 2015 and 2020, we can talk about how we will fix that. It is important to recognise, however, that the approach set out in the Bill is not without risks for Cheshire and Warrington with respect to police services. The Bill gives power to the Home Secretary to redraw the policing boundaries to match the mayoral combined authority. There is no consensus in Cheshire that Cheshire police should be reorganised to exclude Halton, which is currently part of the Liverpool city region. Indeed, quite the reverse: it is felt that such a move would be explicitly bad for Halton and would damage the viability of the remainder of Cheshire police. When the Minister sums up, I hope he will provide reassurance that there will be a full consultation before Cheshire police is reorganised, and that it will not be reorganised against the wishes of its communities? Let me turn to the Bill’s provisions on adult education. The new duty placed on strategic authorities to secure appropriate facilities for the education and training of adults aged 19 and over is a welcome step. In the focus groups that I have run with technology businesses across Cheshire and the wider north-west, there has been a clear divide between mayoral areas and non-mayoral areas, where—with some exceptions—businesses did not feel that there was a good understanding of their needs, nor a plan to deliver on them. The mayoral combined authority presents an opportunity not only to fix that, but to think strategically about taking advantage of projects like HyNet, which will require miles of new hydrogen pipeline and people with the right skills to build it. An important gap that the Bill does not address is post-16 education. Local authorities currently have a duty to secure enough suitable education and training provision to meet the reasonable needs of all young people in their area who are over compulsory school age, but they lack any powers to deliver this and neither can they meaningfully affect how further education is organised. That is a real challenge, particularly in my constituency, which has been left with big gaps in provision following the 2016 review into post-16 education in Cheshire and Warrington, contributing to NEET levels in Winsford being five percentage points higher than the borough-wide average. There is an opportunity for the mayoral combined authority to deliver better outcomes for young people in my constituency, but it needs the powers to do so. I urge Ministers to work with colleagues in the Department for Education so that we can use mayors to tackle entrenched inequalities and ensure that every young person, regardless of background, has access to high-quality education and training that prepares them for the future. This Bill is not just a handover of power, but a partnership between central Government and local communities—between elected leaders and the people they serve. For Cheshire and Warrington, it is a chance to lead by example, and to show what empowered communities can achieve when given the freedom to flourish.

• 15 Jul 2025 · Women and Girls with Autism: Mental Health Support · Hansard source

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  My heart absolutely breaks hearing the story about Lauren—it is awful. Many autistic women and girls are undiagnosed, misdiagnosed or diagnosed late in life due to the outdated belief that autism mainly affects males. As a result, many women receive mental health treatments for conditions they do not have, including treatments that could be ineffective or even harmful. These diagnostic failures can seriously affect mental wellbeing and may explain high rates of depression in that group. Does my hon. Friend agree that the healthcare system must adapt to better identify and support autistic women and girls early on, prevent misdiagnosis and improve mental health outcomes?

• 15 Jul 2025 · West Coast Main Line · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dr Murrison. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Crewe and Nantwich (Connor Naismith) for securing this timely debate. I do not intend to speak for very long—although, unlike the west coast main line, we have plenty of capacity in this debate—because he has set the scene in detail and there is no need to relitigate it too much. I want to make just two points. The first is about HS2. When it is eventually completed, we will have spent tens of billions of pounds only to achieve the trick of reducing capacity on the west coast main line—and we know why that is. It is because HS2 trains are shorter, but the pinch points, the bottlenecks around Stafford and Crewe stations, will still exist. We will have to have fewer Pendolinos on the line. They will be replaced by shorter HS2 trains with less capacity. It is a ridiculous situation that the Government have inherited, but the fact that HS2 has been mismanaged over many years does not change the reality of the infrastructure. Those pinch points are still preventable, so I hope that Ministers will bring forward proposals—realistic, deliverable solutions—for the capacity problems. My second point is about Northern Powerhouse Rail—also known as the Liverpool-Manchester railway or HS3, depending on people’s pedigree on the issue—which I understand we will hear more about from the Minister or her colleagues in coming weeks. It is an important project that will deal with the serious capacity issues on the Castlefield corridor in Manchester and at Piccadilly, but it is likely to force more rail traffic on to the west coast main line through Mid Cheshire, particularly the heavily congested section between Winsford and Weaver Junction where the number of tracks goes down from four to two. Had HS2 phase 2b gone ahead, it would have dealt with that. Now, I have no love for that ridiculous route: in a three-mile stretch, it goes over the top of the Winsford salt mine, a set of subsidence flashes from the 19th century, the underground gas storage plant at Stublach and 60 infrastructure crossing points where pipelines take key chemicals to Runcorn to secure the UK water supply. It is not a route that should ever have gone through sifting; it should never have been in the hybrid Bill. It is symptomatic of the way the project has been mismanaged that we are where we are. Indisputably, however, had it been possible to build it—who knows?—it would have provided the extra capacity to restore two trains per hour from Winsford to Liverpool Lime Street. Whatever the solution, if NPR is to be delivered, we need to address the capacity issues on the west coast main line between Crewe and Warrington. I frankly do not envy the Minister, or the Minister for Rail in the other place, because they have been left with a complete mess by the previous Administration. I hope that the Minister will address Members’ points about a capacity plan and provide some certainty about the HS2 phase 2b hybrid Bill and whether the Government plan to bring it forward. I hope that Members will be able work with the Minister on a solution that delivers the capacity we need and creates frequent, reliable services. That will get cars and lorries off the road and support jobs and prosperity in Mid Cheshire and beyond.

• 8 Jul 2025 · Down’s Syndrome Regression Disorder · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Jeremy. I declare an interest as co-chair of the all-party parliamentary group on Down syndrome, along with the right hon. Member for East Hampshire (Damian Hinds). I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Thurrock (Jen Craft) on securing this important and timely debate on Down syndrome regression disorder—a subject on which she always speaks with authority. I thank her for so eloquently explaining the devastating impact it has on families, the difficulties around its diagnosis, and the need for greater awareness and action. We have already heard that Down syndrome regression disorder is a heartbreaking condition that affects around 1% to 2% of young people with Down syndrome, typically during adolescence and early adulthood. Despite the profound effects it has on many families across the country, it remains largely in the shadows and is widely under-recognised in our healthcare and support systems. Down syndrome regression disorder is marked by a sudden and often severe loss of previously acquired skills—language, mobility, self-care and social interaction. Imagine a young person who once spoke fluently, dressed themselves and engaged joyfully with others suddenly becoming mute, withdrawn and dependent. For many families, this is not a nightmare: it is their reality. For them, it is like watching their loved one vanish before their eyes. The emotional and psychological toll on these families is immense. A recent study published in the Orphanet Journal of Rare Diseases found that the caregivers of individuals with DSRD experience significantly higher levels of depression, financial strain and social isolation compared with the caregivers of individuals with other neurological conditions. Many parents described the experience as traumatic, grieving the loss of the child they once knew while navigating a healthcare system that often lacks answers. That is because in the UK awareness of DSRD is limited. We have excellent support networks for individuals with Down syndrome, but DSRD falls into a blind spot. There are no standard diagnostic criteria in current NHS guidelines, research funding is scarce, and few clinicians are trained to recognise or treat the disorder. The referral pathways are often unclear, leaving families in limbo during what may be the most frightening period of their lives. We must recognise that this is not just a medical issue; it is a human one too. One of the greatest challenges with DSRD is the difficulty in diagnosing it. For many parents, their first concern is dismissal by medical professionals. When a young person with Down syndrome begins to show signs of regression, the common response is often that it is simply part of their developmental journey—a phase that will pass. Concerns are too often brushed aside, leaving families feeling unheard and helpless. This dismissive attitude can delay proper diagnosis and treatment, worsening the young person’s condition. Medical professionals, although experts in their field, may not be aware of this specific disorder and, as a result, may not recognise the signs when they appear. For parents who already face the complexities of raising a young person with Down syndrome, having their worries minimised is an additional burden. Their instinct is to protect and advocate for their child, yet they find themselves in a constant struggle for acknowledgment. But there is hope, if we act. We need more research in the UK that investigates how this disorder presents in our healthcare and social environments. We must also push for clinical trials in the UK, because similar trials in other countries, particularly the US, have shown that with the right interventions it is possible to help children with this condition to return to their baseline level of functioning. We need clear diagnostic and treatment pathways to be developed by the NHS and the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence, in collaboration with experts in Down syndrome. Doctors and mental health professionals must be trained to identify the early signs of regression and respond with urgency and compassion. We must listen to parents. When they voice concerns, we need to take them seriously. They are experts on their children, and dismissing their worries can delay crucial intervention. Families deserve real support, not dismissal. They need practical guidance, better access to care and peer networks that they can turn to during moments of crisis. The public need to hear more about this condition, because the more we talk about it, the closer we get to funding solutions and saving futures. Every person with Down syndrome deserves the chance to thrive without fear of losing the progress they have made, and every family deserves to be believed, supported and empowered when regression strikes. Let us give Down syndrome regression disorder the attention it desperately needs before more voices are silenced, more smiles fade and more potential is lost.

• 8 Jul 2025 · Road and Rail Projects · Hansard source

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  The fight for the Middlewich eastern bypass started more than 40 years ago, and after all these years of false starts, dashed hopes and frustrated residents, I could not be prouder that this Labour Government are finally delivering on that project. After 14 years of under-investment in areas such as mine, it is really encouraging to see the Government delivering the funding that is needed to make such a vital infrastructure project a reality. The recent reforms to the Treasury’s Green Book, championed by my hon. Friends the Members for Congleton (Sarah Russell) and for Rossendale and Darwen (Andy MacNae), have clearly played a crucial role in enabling projects such as this to move forward, better reflecting the needs and potential of towns like Middlewich. How does my hon. Friend see the Middlewich eastern bypass, along with the 50 other road schemes that she has greenlit, contributing to the long term economic growth and supporting more balanced and inclusive development across all parts of the country?

• 7 Jul 2025 · Giving Every Child the Best Start in Life · Hansard source

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  A few weeks ago I visited Leftwich primary school and met the fantastic headteacher Claire Harrison and her team. The one thing Claire wanted to get across was how much the job has changed over the last decade. The dismantling of early help and prevention services has meant that teachers and headteachers are spending more time essentially being the parents of last resort rather than undertaking their core function of educating children. It should not be this way, and we should be clear that dismantling Sure Start was an act of utter vandalism by the previous Government. It is fantastic that Cheshire West and Chester council will benefit from the new money for Best Start, building on what Sure Start did best, but does the Secretary of State agree that it is ridiculous that Cheshire West was ever put in a position where there was no money to fund these vital services?

• 3 Jul 2025 · NHS 10-Year Plan · Hansard source

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  I add my congratulations to my right hon. Friend, his team and NHS staff, who have put this plan together so that the NHS does not just survive but thrives. Last weekend, I met a family in Winsford who, that morning, had received a bill of £180,000 for their mother’s care. The daughter said to me, “Andrew, I don’t know how I can possibly pay this.” The previous Government failed to get a grip on the issue. The plans that the Secretary of State has set out to increase carer’s allowance and the disabled facilities grant will make a big difference, as will the introduction of fair pay agreements across the adult social care sector. Can he confirm that he will do everything he can to accelerate and implement the outcome of Baroness Casey’s cross-party commission, so that the issue is resolved once and for all?

• 3 Jul 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  If the Leader of the House likes piña coladas and getting caught in the rain, may I suggest that she looks no further than the Piña Colada Festival in Northwich on 16 August? This event, in honour of Northwich-born Rupert Holmes’s song “Escape”—or, as he describes it, the song from which there is no escape—adds around half a million pounds to the local economy, and is now one of the most important events for the hospitality sector in Mid Cheshire. Could the Leader of the House arrange for a debate in Government time on the role of such events in town centre regeneration? Should she wish to conduct some empirical research prior to any debate, perhaps she would like to visit Northwich on the 16th.

• 12 Jun 2025 · Humanist Marriage · Hansard source

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  I understand the Minister’s point, but that does not accurately characterise my position. I am very happy for the Government to do a broader set of reforms, but I and others are arguing that we do not necessarily need to wait for that before acting on humanist marriage. The two things could happen in parallel. Would the Minister agree with that?

• 12 Jun 2025 · Humanist Marriage · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Dame Siobhain. I congratulate my hon. Friends the Members for Tamworth (Sarah Edwards) and for Morecambe and Lunesdale (Lizzi Collinge), as well as the hon. Member for Henley and Thame (Freddie van Mierlo), on securing the debate. Before I begin in earnest, I am proud to declare my interest as a member of Humanists UK and of the all-party parliamentary humanist group. I would like to make a proposal to the Minister—one that does not need a ring, flowers or a dramatic moment on bended knee. My simple proposal is that we finally say yes to legalising humanist marriage in England and Wales. I understand the Government’s arguments, and I will focus my remarks on them, but before I get into the detail, I want to say that the fact that this was resolved in Scotland two decades ago, and could be, but has not been, resolved in England and Wales by way of a simple order, is indefensible. It demands urgent action. I have heard the Government’s argument that they want to consider marriage law in the round, and they should certainly do that, but, thanks to the previous Government, humanist couples have already been waiting for 12 years and that has not happened. Why should they have to continue to wait, and why can they not have legal recognition of their marriages in the meantime? While humanist couples have been waiting, many other piecemeal reforms have taken place. In 2021, the law was changed to allow civil marriages outdoors. The system of registering marriages became electronic. Mothers’ names have been added to marriage certificates. Opposite-sex civil partnerships have been introduced, along with new possibilities for conversions between marriage and civil partnership. No-fault divorce was introduced in 2022. The marriage age was raised to 18 in 2023. Weddings for whole-life prisoners were banned by this Government just last year. While all that was taking place, more and more religious groups have been happily registering themselves to do marriages for the first time. Scientologists got the power to conduct marriage in 2014 following a Supreme Court case. The Order of St Leonard, a religious group founded in just 2009, has registered. The Goddess People of Avalon and the He Lives Bible Church, formed in 2000 and 1998, respectively, both registered. In other words, whole religions have come into existence and got the power to conduct marriage in almost the same time that humanist marriages have been under review. Similarly, more religious groups have decided to perform same-sex marriages, most notably the Methodists in 2021. All the while, humanist celebrants have wanted to be able to perform legal same-sex marriages, but have been denied the right to do so. The previous Government argued that other religious and non-religious belief groups are arguing for legal marriage recognition, so it would be unfair to recognise humanists. However, that argument seems to be that two wrongs make a right. It is not clear who those groups even are. Muslims, for example, can already marry in mosques, and hundreds do so every year. Independent celebrants are an entirely different proposition, as we have heard, being profit-making alternatives to state registrars. It is also not clear how other religious or non-religious belief groups would be disadvantaged by humanists gaining recognition. In the interest of time, I will wrap up. Scotland has already said, “I do.” Thousands of couples have legally married in beautiful, meaningful humanist ceremonies. England and Wales are still standing at the altar, checking their watch and waiting for the doors to open. I am not asking for sweeping reform. I am not asking the Minister to rethink everything. I am just asking for a simple answer to a simple question: will the Minister, at long last, do me the honour of making that order and recognising humanist marriages? There is no lawful impediment, just the chance to say, finally and unequivocally, “I do.”

• 10 Jun 2025 · Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder · Hansard source

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  Is the hon. Gentleman aware of the recent review conducted by King’s College London that looked at evidence from 40 studies in 17 countries? It found no clear evidence of an increase in the prevalence of ADHD; rather, there was greater awareness and acceptance, which was likely to cause more people to seek help and diagnosis.

• 5 Jun 2025 · Free School Meals · Hansard source

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  This announcement to extend free school meals will be hugely welcome news to the families of the 4,300 children in Northwich, Winsford and Middlewich that are in receipt of universal credit. There is a wealth of evidence that good nutrition at school has a significant impact on educational attainment, health and wellbeing and long-term earnings potential. If we are serious about bearing down on the rising levels of child poverty, which are now just short of 30% in my constituency, that starts with measures such as this, which I am sure will be the first of many. Does the Minister agree that this change in eligibility presents an opportunity at a national level to improve data sharing with local authorities so that we can finally facilitate auto-enrolment and ensure that the maximum number of families benefit from this policy?

• 3 Jun 2025 · Topical Questions · Hansard source

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  At just 12 years old, my constituent was subjected to horrific abuse by a family member who was ultimately convicted of nine offences, including four counts of rape. The offender was sentenced in youth court to just a three-year referral order and a two-year restraining order. My constituent cannot appeal this sentence under the unduly lenient sentence scheme simply because of the court in which the case was heard. Will the Minister review this deeply troubling case and consider extending the unduly lenient sentence scheme to include youth court rape convictions?

• 19 May 2025 · Mental Health Bill [Lords] · Hansard source

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  It has been an absolute privilege to listen to contributions from Members with real expertise and experience. I wholeheartedly welcome the Government’s Mental Health Bill, and I am proud that this vital and, as we have heard, long-overdue Bill will modernise the woefully out-of-date Mental Health Act, which we know is linked to racial inequalities, poor care for people with learning disabilities and neurodivergence and which fails to give patients a proper voice. By modernising the Mental Health Act and making it fit for the 21st century, the Government are demonstrating that they have the ambition, compassion and determination to ensure that patients have greater choice, autonomy, rights and support, and that all patients are treated with dignity and respect throughout their treatment. There are many welcome measures in the Bill, from strengthening patient rights to reforming the use of involuntary detention and limiting the extent to which people with a learning disability can be detained, but to ensure that we tackle the crisis in—and transform the future of—mental health care as a whole, we must go further and build on these reforms. Nowhere is that need more urgent than in children’s mental health services where, alongside profound societal change, the damage to the capacity of the state made by the previous Government is most painfully visible, and where the cost of inaction is overwhelming. The relationship between unhealthy online habits among adolescents and poor mental health is well documented. The World Health Organisation reported last year that “potentially damaging social media use…has been shown to lead to depression, bullying, anxiety and poor academic performance”. But those changes have occurred at the same time as huge reductions in the availability of youth services and other early intervention, the closure of safe community spaces, which provide access to trusted role models, and stark increases in relative child poverty and homelessness. Earlier this month, I launched a constituency survey to hear directly from children and their families to better understand the state of local children’s mental health services. Some of the responses paint a bleak and harrowing picture of parents desperately trying to get their children the support they need. The initial results of the survey demonstrate that we must focus on two connected areas of reform, which I believe must be part of our wider plans to tackle the mental health crisis. First, we must begin with early intervention as a system-wide principle, not an afterthought. Under the previous Government, the mental health system often failed to intervene in a timely, consistent and adequate manner. It is widely understood that early mental health challenges can significantly impact a child’s development, yet services for young children remain insufficient and poorly co-ordinated. For children in their early years and pre-school stages, support is often fragmented or entirely lacking. To address the gap, we need a cohesive early intervention strategy that does more to integrate early years health and education. Additionally, we must go further by giving children access to mental health professionals in every primary and secondary school, making support not just accessible but familiar and trustworthy. Schools are often where issues are first identified, and they must also be where the support starts. It was brilliant to hear the announcement on Friday that that will begin to be rolled out, but it does need to be accelerated. Secondly, we must overhaul how children access specialist care and tackle the systemic barriers created by high thresholds and long waits. Early intervention works only if there is a functioning system to refer into, but that system is broken. Over the last 14 years, services have been hollowed out, waiting lists have spiralled and thresholds for access have been pushed so high that even children in a clear crisis are being turned away. I have heard countless stories of children who are self-harming, experiencing suicidal thoughts or in deep emotional distress being told they do not meet the criteria for treatment. Families are left to watch their children deteriorate, terrified, helpless and too often unheard. That is not care; that is the cost of failure. That is no reflection on the professionals delivering the care. My survey showed good levels of satisfaction, but there simply is not enough of it to meet demand. Unless we expand the service capacity and rethink how thresholds are applied, the most vulnerable children will continue to fall through the cracks, no matter how early their needs are identified. Early help must lead somewhere. That means ensuring that timely and specialist care is available for those who need it. These two reforms are not stand-alone; they are interdependent. We cannot have meaningful early intervention without timely access to specialist care, and for as long as we do not address the root causes of poor mental health—child poverty, hollowed out youth services and weak online safety—the problem will continue to get worse. The Bill, along with a wider plan to tackle the mental health crisis, presents the opportunity not only to fix what is broken but to create something better: a mental health system that is accessible, equitable and fit for the future. I am proud to support the Bill.

• 14 May 2025 · Infected Blood Inquiry: Government Response · Hansard source

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  I met two of my constituents who have been tragically affected by this scandal and attended the hearings last week. They told me what an emotional day it had been—almost like a family reunion in some ways—but they also spoke of their immense frustration at still having to fight through the long wait for justice that remains. They told me again that the pace of payments to victims and families is far too slow, and it is still unclear what evidence they need to provide to support their claim. I welcome the fact that the Government have identified £11.8 billion to pay compensation, and that, for the first time, this has been properly budgeted for, but I am sure that my right hon. Friend will agree that the challenge now is to ensure that trust is built and maintained as we complete this process. Will he tell the House what he can do to ensure that the evidential requirements are clear to families to allow them to prepare for being contacted, that payments are accelerated, and that justice is delivered to everybody affected by this appalling scandal?

• 23 Apr 2025 · Hospitals · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to follow the earlier speech of my constituency neighbour, my hon. Friend the Member for Crewe and Nantwich (Connor Naismith). I hope Members will forgive me, but they are about to be treated to more information about the hospitals of Mid Cheshire and south Cheshire. We on the Labour Benches are incredibly proud of our NHS. It is one of our country’s greatest achievements, and is founded on the principle that everyone, no matter their background or circumstances, should have access to high-quality healthcare that is free at the point of use. That simple idea has saved millions of lives, and offered comfort, healing and hope to generations. However, after 14 years of Conservative failure, the NHS was left on life support, with record waiting lists, surgeries and appointments cancelled or delayed, a workforce worn down and undervalued, and hospitals crumbling. That is the legacy of the previous Conservative Government— a legacy of neglect, underfunding and broken promises. Nowhere is that clearer than in the new hospital programme that they introduced in 2020. This was meant to be their flagship plan to modernise the NHS estate—to replace crumbling buildings and ensure that patients and staff had the safe, modern environments that they deserve—but the scheme was built on shaky foundations. From the start, the scheme was plagued by delays, confusion and a complete lack of proper funding. The reality behind the headlines was that very few hospitals saw any real progress. In many cases, the money simply was not there. Let me take the case of Leighton hospital, which serves my constituents in Northwich, Winsford and Middlewich, and four other hospitals across the country. All are known to be riddled with reinforced autoclaved aerated concrete. Experts warned of a “catastrophic” risk to patient safety. Structural engineers said an incident was “likely”. In simple terms, these buildings were falling down, but what did the previous Government do? When the programme was first published, the plans to rebuild those five hospitals were blocked. The previous Government chose to ignore the warnings, ignore the patients and ignore NHS staff working every day in buildings that had been declared unsafe. It was not until 2023 that the previous Government finally amended the new hospital programme to include Leighton and the other RAAC-affected hospitals. By then, years had already been wasted—time that we did not have—and even that decision came without a real plan, without a timeline and, crucially, without the funding needed to do the job. What was offered to my local community was not a solution; it was false hope dressed up as progress. The promises crumbled faster than the hospitals that the previous Government failed to rebuild. In contrast, this Government are delivering. We are not just talking about change; we are making it happen. We are rebuilding the NHS from the foundations up and, just as importantly, rebuilding trust that the Government will deliver on their promises on the NHS. At Leighton hospital, we are proving it: the funding has been confirmed to the trust; the ground investigations are under way; and the project is moving forward. This is not just talk, but action. But let us be clear: rebuilding Leighton is not just a matter of replacing concrete; this is our opportunity to do something bigger. We have a chance to build a healthcare neighbourhood that reflects the future—a modern, resilient facility that will serve communities for generations to come and will meet the challenges of 21st century healthcare. This is not just about bricks and mortar; it is about people, it is about care and it is about building a system that reflects our values. We are tackling the root causes of the crisis that the Conservatives have left behind. We are reducing waiting lists through more appointments, better use of technology, and support for our overstretched staff. We are training and recruiting the doctors, nurses, and carers of the future. We are ending the sticking plaster politics of the last decade and a half and building an NHS that is fit for the future.

• 22 Apr 2025 · Residential Estate Management Companies · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Stuart. I thank the hon. Member for South Devon (Caroline Voaden) for securing this debate. The Government face many issues as a result of the unholy alliance between weak regulation, private sector greed and the long-term underfunding of local government. We have here a particularly egregious example. Others have spoken, and will continue to speak about the business practices involved in the sector. I want to focus on how we have allowed a system to develop where service charges, and therefore residential estate management companies, are being used inappropriately. In some parts of the country people pay twice for the same basic services—once for their own and once for everyone else’s. There is an appropriate use of service charging for lifts, common areas and genuinely private outdoor spaces, but it should not be used for sewerage, most highways and the vast majority of play areas and open spaces. It is not uncommon to see a report to the council’s planning committee that says something like, “The council would not wish to take on the inspection and management of these areas.” We know why councils do that, but it must end and the Government need to act accordingly. My ask to the Minister is simple. The Government should implement section 42 of the Flood and Water Management Act 2010 to require utility adoption for new developments; create an equivalent for highways adoption; and direct councils that the default for publicly accessible spaces is that they are maintained publicly, whether that is by the principal authority or by the town and parish council.

• 22 Apr 2025 · Road Safety and Active Travel to School · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to see you in the Chair, Mrs Hobhouse. I will make three points. Affordability can be a barrier to children taking up active travel to school. We have a great local charity in my constituency called Changing Lives Together, which runs a scheme called ReCycles. The scheme, which was launched last year, saves bikes from going to waste by refurbishing and reusing them, and taking old donated bikes to do so. It has have saved about 220 bikes to date. I hope that we can encourage that type of scheme nationally to allow people to overcome the affordability barrier. On infrastructure, we need a cultural shift in how we plan and think about development. Section 106 agreements need to give greater consideration to active travel routes to ensure that new developments do not just provide homes, but create safe environments for children to travel to school. Finally, we should take the opportunity afforded by the curriculum and assessment review to embed cycling and active travel in our education system. Just as swimming has been part of the curriculum since 1994, Bikeability level 2 at key stage 2 would equip children with the skills and confidence needed to cycle safely.

• 7 Apr 2025 · Housing Supply · Hansard source

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  15. What steps her Department is taking to increase the supply of housing.

• 7 Apr 2025 · Housing Supply · Hansard source

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  With around 1.3 million people on housing registers in England, it is vital that we achieve a step change in the supply of housing, particularly social housing, over this Parliament; however, in my constituency and across the north-west, housing associations are managing many ageing, low-quality homes that require ongoing investment and maintenance. Homes for the North warns that many of these properties will become uninhabitable and unsuitable for social housing over the next decade. What consideration has my right hon. Friend given to targeting the renewal of social housing, such as through pooling funding with money for decarbonisation, so that registered social landlords can use the money flexibly to combine retrofit, demolition and new build? That would drive regeneration and reduce carbon emissions.

• 3 Apr 2025 · Access to Sport: PE in Schools · Hansard source

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  I, too, thank my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford (Leigh Ingham) for leading this debate and for the way that she has set out the issues. Sport and physical education in schools is not only vital for the future of our children, but critical to the health and prosperity of our nation. As we face higher levels of childhood obesity, increasing mental health concerns, and a need to foster a healthier and more cohesive society, it is more important than ever to make physical activity a central part of the school experience. The benefits of PE and sport extend far beyond childhood. The life skills gained through physical activity, team work, leadership and communication help young people succeed in school and prepare them for their future careers. According to the Youth Sport Trust, 87% of participants in the Set for Success programme said that they know more about how their skills can help them in the future, with 96% of young people reporting an improvement in at least one of team working, communication or leadership since taking part. These skills are crucial to helping young people thrive in their careers and contribute to the future economy, aiding the Government’s mission to kickstart economic growth. I wish to take a moment to recognise the incredible work that is being done in my constituency of Mid Cheshire by organisations such as the Vale Royal School Sport Partnership and Active Cheshire. These organisations are working tirelessly to increase the opportunities for physical activity in schools and communities. Since 2006, the Vale Royal School Sport Partnership has been instrumental in bringing sport to schools across Northwich and Winsford. School sports partnerships were an early casualty of the coalition Government, with the announcement that ringfenced funding would be removed in a letter to the Youth Sport Trust from the then Secretary of State, Michael Gove, in October 2010, in direct contradiction of what the Conservatives had said when in opposition. In Northwich and Winsford, the schools got together and decided that demolishing an entire infrastructure and proven delivery system that was improving children’s lives here and now was not the way to go. So they pooled their funding and saved Vale Royal School Sport Partnership and it is still delivering for children today. Through well-organised PE programmes, inter-school competitions, and community initiatives, the partnership has helped to increase participation in sport among young people in my area. It offers resources, training and support to teachers, ensuring that every child has the chance to experience the benefits of physical activity, regardless of their background or ability. If the Minister would like to visit my constituency and see the value of the work undertaken by school sports partnerships, I am sure that they would be delighted to receive her. Similarly, Active Cheshire is dedicated to creating a culture of movement in schools and communities. By providing schools with the tools they need to integrate more sport into their daily routines, Active Cheshire helps foster environments where children feel encouraged and supported to be active. I cannot let this moment go without mentioning Northwich Rowing Club, which celebrated its 150th anniversary this month. The club has enjoyed huge success in recent years, having produced three Olympians: bronze medallist Emily Ford, and gold medallists Tom Ford and Matt Langridge. What makes me proudest to have them as representatives of my home town is the work they do with schools in partnership with Warrington Youth Rowing to open up access to the sport and break down the perception of rowing as an elitist sport. Every year they give dozens of children across our local secondary schools—all pupil premium children—the opportunity to learn to row, which they otherwise may not have had. Together, these organisations are making a real difference, providing children with the opportunity to develop lifelong healthy habits. I am conscious of time and so will conclude by highlighting a date for the diary. On 4 June I am sponsoring Youth Sport Trust’s national school sports week’s parliamentary drop-in. Montell Douglas, who represented Team GB at both the summer and winter Olympics, will be in attendance, and I hope that you, Madam Deputy Speaker, the Minister and other colleagues will come along to support this worthwhile event.

• 3 Apr 2025 · Business of the House · Hansard source

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  I recently attended the official opening of Her-Place Charitable Trust’s new hub in Winsford, using space generously provided by Weaver Vale Housing Trust. The hub will provide the charity with its first permanent base, from where it can deliver services to support women and girls across Cheshire, including the community launderette, drop-in clinics and friendship groups. Will the Leader of the House join me in congratulating Her-Place not only on the opening of its new hub, but on the invaluable work it does in my area?