Alice Macdonald MP: speeches

Speeches

• 24 Nov 2025 · Gaza: Humanitarian Obligations · Hansard source

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  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Butler. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for North Ayrshire and Arran (Irene Campbell) for leading this debate, and the people who signed the petition, of which there were 285 from Norwich North. As many Members have said, this is an important and timely debate because, although a ceasefire is now in place, there continues to be a devastating humanitarian situation in Gaza. Although I welcome the ceasefire and the release of the hostages, there is a long way to go to ensure that the peace is sustainable and the unimaginable human suffering ends. As we have heard, Israeli authorities continue to restrict humanitarian supplies going into Gaza, leading to a devastating shortage of food, medicine and lifesaving supplies. UN agencies have warned that the level of food assistance is still below what is needed, and they have called for more to be let in. That comes, of course, after years of conflict and a human toll that is unimaginable for many of us. Many Members have touched on this, but I want to focus my remarks on the impact on women and girls. That is particularly timely, given that tomorrow is the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women, and this year marks 25 years since the agreement of the landmark UN resolution 1325 on women, peace and security. Yet 25 years on, we are failing women and girls not only in Gaza, but in Sudan, Ukraine, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and many other places. We should also recognise the devastating impact of the 7 October attacks on women, with many horrific reports. There must be accountability and no impunity for violence against women and girls, wherever it is found. In Gaza, the crisis has had a devastating impact on all civilians, as we have heard, but women and girls have been disproportionately and uniquely affected in many ways. They make up 67% of the estimated 60,000 Palestinians killed. Health services have basically collapsed, meaning that women struggle to access sexual and reproductive health services. As we have heard, that has a catastrophic impact on pregnant women. The UN estimates that 55,000 pregnant women have nowhere to seek medical help. Approximately 130 babies are born every day in conditions of acute risk, and one in five are born prematurely or suffering from complications. Let us imagine what should be one of the happiest times of someone’s life, but all they can do is hope and pray for the future of their baby, with no guarantee of good healthcare or essential medicines. There are stories of mothers giving birth without anaesthesia or essential drugs, and reports of rising maternal and newborn deaths—and as the weather changes, that will get even worse. We know that the blockade has also produced human-made famine conditions in parts of Gaza, with catastrophic consequences for pregnant and breastfeeding women and young children. We know from evidence around the world that women and girls eat last and least in conflict. In conflict, violence and sexual violence surge, yet support services and legal services collapse. The chance of justice fades to barely even a glimmer. Despite the dire situation, we must not see women and girls as only victims; they are also first responders and leaders. As ActionAid has rightly highlighted, Palestinian women and women’s rights organisations continue to lead humanitarian responses and community support, providing vital services, yet their work is far too often under-resourced and under-recognised. That leads me on to what the UK and other Governments can and must do. First, diplomacy must remain a top priority to ensure the unfettered access for humanitarian aid and to uphold our obligations under international law. As a former member of the International Development Committee, I agree with its report from earlier this year—as referenced by my hon. Friend the Member for North Ayrshire and Arran—that said we must lead on international humanitarian law. There is a gap for a nation state to lead on that, and the UK has a chance to fill it. Secondly, we must prioritise long-term funding for humanitarian aid and ensure that a significant proportion of the aid we are delivering goes to women’s rights organisations. I ask the Minister to respond specifically to that point in his response: how are we tracking where our aid is going and whether it is reaching those grassroots women’s organisations on the frontline? As the current chair of the all-party parliamentary group on the United Nations, I want to emphasise the important work of UNFPA—the United Nations Population Fund—which does vital work providing healthcare and safe spaces for women and girls. It is suffering from reductions in foreign aid from many countries, particularly the US, which is turning away from it. I hope that as we make difficult decisions about where our aid goes, we will continue to speak up and support its vital work. We have also heard from many Members about the importance of UNRWA, which is no traditional aid agency. It effectively provides many functions akin to local government in the country, and it is vital to getting aid to people on the ground. I welcome the fact that the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation has paused its work on the ground, because the way that it was delivering aid went against all humanitarian principles. I hope that that pause remains in place and that it ceases to operate. Thirdly, in line with UN resolution 1325, women must be meaningfully involved in peacebuilding processes and post-war recovery. The evidence is clear that peace processes last longer when women are involved, as we have seen in other contexts such as Liberia. Ensuring that women are at the table and have a voice is therefore not only the right thing to do, but in all our interests. Lastly, it is welcome that the UK has a national action plan on women, peace and security—which was, in fact, drawn up under the last Government. I believe that Palestine is not currently a focus country for that, so I ask the Government to consider adding it and to work to ensure that Palestinian women and girls receive the same protections as women in other conflict contexts. There are many other areas that I could have spoken about in this debate, and many Members have touched on them, but the impact on women and girls is one that we must not ignore, and that, sadly, is too often not spoken about. I know that upholding the rights of women and girls is something that the Foreign Secretary is strongly committed to—indeed, she published a piece today expressing the UK’s commitment to tackling violence against women and girls in particular—so I look forward to the Minister setting out how we will work to stand with women and girls in Gaza and beyond. This ceasefire is an important step forward, but it must lead to real change, to a two-state solution and to a just and lasting peace for Palestinians, Israelis and the whole region.

• 4 Nov 2025 · Fertility Treatment (Right to Time Off) · Hansard source

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  I beg to move, That leave be given to bring in a Bill to make provision for a right to paid time off work for fertility treatment; and for connected purposes. Deciding to start or grow our family should be a time of joy and happiness, and of making plans for the future. Every year in the UK, hundreds of thousands of babies are born under such circumstances, but for some people the path to parenthood is not simple or easy. According to the World Health Organisation, infertility affects one in six people globally. Whether it is due to medical factors, being in a same-sex relationship or considering solo parenthood, there are so many people who desperately want children but cannot without extra medical support. That support comes through the form of fertility treatment. In 2023, 52,400 patients underwent IVF in the UK. These are not statistics; these are our friends, our colleagues and our constituents, and right now, they are not entitled to the support they deserve. Of course, this has an especially big impact on women, given that they are the ones most often undergoing fertility treatment in the form of IVF. Currently, there is no legal right to paid time off to attend fertility appointments. Women have to hope they have an understanding employer or, as I shall come to, take sick leave or annual leave instead. In fact, the Equality Act 2010 code of practice on employment makes a comparison between a woman having fertility treatment and a man having cosmetic dental surgery. How can that be right? Let us be clear: fertility treatment is not a lifestyle choice; it is a necessity for so many people. However, as I have heard from many women, some employers treat fertility treatment as an elective procedure, and do not allow employees time off, as they would in the case of other medical procedures. IVF is not a simple filling or a dental clean-up. A single cycle of IVF typically involves five to seven appointments, often at short notice. The timing is dictated by hormone levels and follicle development, which cannot be predicted. Throughout, someone is pumping their body full of hormones and drugs, which can have an extraordinary physical and emotional toll. Indeed, according to research conducted by Fertility Matters at Work—I pay tribute to it for all its work on this issue—87% of people say that they experience anxiety or depression directly related to their treatment. So many stories have been shared with me and other organisations about the impact of having no legal right to paid time off for fertility treatment. Women have had to use all their annual leave, have faced disciplinary action, and have hidden what they were going through from their employers, and that has had a huge toll on their mental and physical health. At an already stressful time, these people, in particular women, are having to navigate more uncertainty and stress. I am introducing this Bill because of the huge impact that the situation has on many of our constituents. Sarah—I have changed her name for legal reason—paints that story clearly. After pouring her all into her job for five years, she and her husband decided that it was the right time to start a family. After months trying to conceive, she began IVF, and what followed, in her words, “completely blindsided” her—the staggering number of tests, the drop-everything-at-once appointments, and the cocktail of drugs that she would have to inject into her body in her office toilet. Sarah feared disclosing to her employer that she was undergoing fertility treatment, and she was right. She developed complications and had to spend weeks in hospital, which meant she had to tell her employer that she was undergoing IVF. Not long after, her boss suddenly told her that she needed to work abroad. When she explained that she needed to be close to her IVF doctor, she was told that she had to go anyway. An employment lawyer told her that she had no legal grounds to challenge that, and the choice she was left with was to stay or to leave—family or career. It was a choice she should never have had to make. That cannot be right, and the current situation is deeply unfair. The issue has a disproportionate impact on women and contributes to wider equality challenges—for example, to do with the gender pay gap and career progression. In the most extreme cases, women are having to choose between a career and a child. The Bill aims to right this wrong. It is straightforward: it would create a statutory right to paid time off for all necessary appointments for employees undergoing fertility treatment. It gives partners a right to time off, too. That is important, because as one person said: “I wanted to be there at the conception of my child.” I do not think that an unreasonable request. The Bill mirrors the existing framework for antenatal care, recognising that fertility treatment is equally deserving of workplace protection. Fundamentally, it raises these questions for the House: do we believe that everyone who wishes to have a child deserves a fair chance of doing so? Will the state support all its citizens who have chosen that path? Do we have a moral duty to level the playing field for those who, through no fault of their own, find themselves struggling to get pregnant? This is about fairness. On that point, although the Bill’s scope is limited to employment rights, we must also tackle the postcode lottery of access to NHS-funded IVF cycles, which organisations such as Fertility Action and LGBT Mummies have so powerfully campaigned to address. Fewer than 10% of integrated care boards in England offer the recommended three cycles of IVF, but someone’s chances of having a baby should not depend on where they live. The Bill is in our national interest. As Becky Kearns from Fertility Matters at Work said: “This is also a workforce crisis hiding in plain sight. We’re facing a global fertility decline but failing to support those actively trying to start a family”. Last year, the fertility rate in England and Wales reached an all-time low, falling for the third year in a row to 1.41 children per woman. Just to sustain current population levels, it needs to be 2.1, so we need more people to have babies. We should be helping those who wish to become parents and grow their families, and who will be raising the future workers and taxpayers on whom this country will depend. That is, of course, not the only solution to falling fertility rates, but it would help. Meanwhile, while there is a climate of stigma, in which women are afraid of revealing that they are undergoing treatment, there is a very real cost for British business. Without the right to receive time off, up to 63% of people take sick leave to attend appointments. Because many are concerned about telling their employer, they often take whole days off to hide their appointments, instead of the few hours that they actually require. Recent research published this week estimates that this costs UK employers up to £54 million in unplanned sick leave alone every year, and that is just one example of the cost to businesses. Providing a statutory right to time off not only protects employees, but gives them permission to take that time off openly, and to plan it with their employer, transforming chaos into clarity for everyone. Accessing treatment can be even more challenging for those working in certain circumstances, such as those doing shift work or travelling often. In fact, this right is also smart business, because 86% of employees would be attracted to a role in an organisation that provides fertility support. Many businesses already recognise that this is not only the right thing to do, but in their interests. Businesses such as Centrica, Cadent Gas and Aviva, which has a strong presence in my constituency, have all voluntarily given paid time off to their employees for fertility treatment, but whether someone can attend their fertility appointment should not depend on the luck of the draw, a kind manager or an understanding employer; it should be the norm for everyone. In many other countries, bespoke employment legislation has already been developed. People in South Korea and Malta, for example, are entitled to paid time off for fertility treatment. We have come a long way as a society. For decades, we provided paid time off for antenatal leave, then maternity leave, and soon, thanks to Labour’s Employment Rights Bill, we will have day-one rights for paternity and parental leave, and for bereavement leave after pregnancy loss. We must look at fertility treatment too, because, as I know myself, the pathway to parenthood is not always easy. This Bill would help shift the culture and narrative in workplaces about a topic that has remained taboo for far too long. I know there has been support across the House for this change; I pay tribute to the former Conservative Member Nickie Aiken, who introduced a similar private Member’s Bill in the last Parliament. I also thank the Government, and current and past Ministers, for their engagement with me on this issue, and I know that they are listening. If it is not possible to get a change in the law soon, I would encourage Members to ask businesses in their constituency if they will join others in voluntarily providing paid time off for fertility treatment. Finally, it is deeply fitting that this Bill is presented in Fertility Week—a time to challenge taboos and raise awareness of the devastating physical, emotional and social impacts of fertility problems. How better could this House show that it is alive to these issues and injustices than by giving its support to this Bill? This Bill is about fairness. It is about saying to the thousands of people who undergo fertility treatment every year that we see them, we support them, and they should not have to face it alone. That is morally right, right for our economy and right for our national interest. I commend this Bill to the House. Question put and agreed to. Ordered, That Alice Macdonald, Andrew Pakes, Daniel Francis, Jess Asato, Kate Osborne, Matt Turmaine, Michael Wheeler, Olivia Blake, Rachel Blake, Sarah Owen, Sarah Russell and Stella Creasy present the Bill. Alice Macdonald accordingly presented the Bill. Bill read the First time; to be read a Second time on Friday 28 November, and to be printed (Bill 320).

• 22 Jul 2025 · Sir David Amess Summer Adjournment · Hansard source

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  It is an honour to speak in this debate today. I pay tribute to Sir David Amess, who I never met but whose legacy and values live on. I start by marking Norfolk Day, which is taking place this Sunday. It takes place on 27 July every year to celebrate everything that makes Norfolk special, from its beautiful landscape to its history and its community spirit. I take the opportunity to say thank you to the community groups and voluntary organisations in Norfolk and Norwich who do so much on this day and all year round. I have enjoyed visiting many of them over the past year and will continue to do so. Norfolk is not just a county of beauty and tourist charm; it is the driest county in the country, even though it might not be the sunniest, although I might dispute that. We are not just a county of beauty and tourist charm; we are also a county full of innovation and creativity. Great things often arise quietly from Norfolk, be that the first UK Prime Minister, Robert Walpole, our leading naval hero Lord Nelson, or Julian of Norwich, who is thought to be the first woman to write a book in English that has survived. Many great things continue to come from Norfolk, including Alfie Hewett, and Lauren Hemp, who will be playing this evening against Italy for the Lionesses. I am sure Members will join me in sending them the best of luck as they progress in their campaign. We have an opportunity to maximise the potential of the county further through devolution, and I am pleased that Norfolk is in the devolution priority programme. That, along with local government reorganisation, will enable us to attract more investment, secure more jobs and deliver better services for our residents. With limited time, I will turn to three constituency issues. I am very proud to represent Norwich North. First, on health, many great things come from Norfolk and Norwich, as I have said, and that includes pioneering health research work. I recently hosted the University of East Anglia in Parliament to showcase its work on prostate cancer diagnosis. That could transform the lives of men around the world. Norfolk and Norwich University Hospital is also leading a world-first drug trial to tackle endometriosis. Women’s health is a priority for me, so I am glad to see such pioneering work on my doorstep. However, we face many health challenges, and the most noticeable is dentistry. We have made some good progress so far, with 21,000 urgent extra appointments allocated to Norfolk and Waveney, but we must go ahead quickly with reform of the dental contract. I have been reassured by what my right hon. Friend the Health Secretary has said about that. I have also been campaigning, along with other Members, to secure a new dental school at the University of East Anglia. I believe that ours is the only region without one, and it is desperately needed, so I hope to hear good news about that soon. I welcome the Government’s investment at the Norfolk and Norwich hospital and in local doctors’ surgeries; after 14 years of neglect, it was badly needed. I also thank everyone who joined our campaign to save the NHS walk-in centre in Norwich, which was, unbelievably, once more under threat of closure. NHS bosses have listened, and have told my hon. Friend the Member for Norwich South (Clive Lewis) and me that such plans will not be proposed again. I will keep up the pressure on, among others, the Norfolk and Suffolk NHS Foundation Trust for better mental health services. Secondly, I want to talk about housing. Too many people in my constituency are struggling to get on the housing ladder, stuck on waiting lists or facing soaring rents. I therefore welcome the £34 million that the Government have given our Labour-led city council to unlock Anglia Square, a site that has needed investment for decades and will now be able to deliver many affordable homes and jobs. This comes alongside the welcome Renters’ Rights Bill, which will, among other things, end no-fault evictions. I hope that the Planning and Infrastructure Bill will provide more ways in which to hold developers to their promise to provide community infrastructure. In two instances, play parks have not been delivered. Thirdly, I want to say something about opportunity. In my constituency and many others, special educational needs present a huge challenge. I will keep pressing for the change that we need, including a new SEND school in Angel Road. I thank all the schools that have hosted me, and the children who have asked such excellent questions. We must ensure that every child has a good job after education. That is why I am so passionate about clean aviation and clean energy in our region. I do not have time to say much more. Let me end by saying that I will keep fighting for the health, opportunities and homes that my constituents need, and by thanking my team and all my constituents for being so brilliant.

• 7 Jul 2025 · Fossil Fuel Advertising and Sponsorship · Hansard source

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  Has my hon. Friend noted the call from the UN Secretary-General, António Guterres, for Governments to ban fossil fuel advertising to protect public health and address climate change? Does he feel that, alongside the examples that he cited, that is evidence of increasing momentum towards such a change?