Alex McIntyre MP: speeches 2024

Speeches

• 4 Dec 2024 · Engagements · Hansard source

  More

  Q11. Hollie Gazzard was murdered by her boyfriend outside her workplace in Gloucester 10 years ago. Since then, her family have established the Hollie Gazzard Trust, which educates young people on domestic abuse and stalking, and keeps women safe with its Hollie Guard app. Will the Prime Minister join me in paying tribute to Hollie’s family and the work of the Hollie Gazzard Trust, and will he update the House on the steps the Government are taking to tackle violence against women and girls?

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for touting out my services as a legal adviser, but I have committed to not taking any second jobs, and certainly none that involves legal services in the Cayman Islands. What I will say is that all of us here, as individuals, are governed by laws in our day-to-day lives. I doubt that many Members will be familiar with, on a detailed basis, the provisions of the Consumer Rights Act 2015, for example, but there are guidance documents and the Money Saving Expert is fantastic. If you ever have an issue with one of your financial products, there is always a guide that can be provided. I am sure that alongside the Bill there will be updated guidance—from ACAS, for example. Does the hon. Member for Bridgwater agree that although small businesses may not be able to take legal advice, there will be guidance documents? They are not expected to read the whole Bill line by line. There will be guidance, on websites such as that of ACAS, that is readily available to all employers, in which they will be able to get an explanation of some of these provisions.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Apologies, Mr Stringer, if I inadvertently used “you” in my previous intervention. That was a mistake; I apologise. I am grateful to the Minister for tabling these amendments. This is an important set of suggestions to extend time limits for bringing lots of tribunal claims. In my previous professional experience, the change will benefit businesses up and down the country, because one of the biggest issues for anyone involved in advising employers on employment law is the rush to bring employment tribunal proceedings, owing to the three-month time limit. It often stops negotiations from progressing fully, preventing an out-of-court agreement being reached at an early stage. In a commercial setting, most businesses are given six years to bring claims under contract against other businesses. It is only really in employment law that we have such a narrow window for people to bring their claims. I am interested in the shadow Minister’s comments on employment tribunals—they are broken, but the responsibility for breaking the employment tribunals sits firmly on Opposition Members. We had years of under-investment in our courts and tribunals, and we have really long backlogs. The issue there for employers is that, given the actions of the previous Government, they are spending far too much money on people like me, as such proceedings take a significant amount of time.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I understand the hon. Gentleman’s point about uncertainty in certain industries meaning that businesses may not be able to guarantee shifts. I want to ask two questions. First, cannot certain industries take out insurance policies to account for some of those unforeseen circumstances, particularly when it comes to shipping? Secondly, what about the uncertainty for employees for whom losing a day’s work would mean a deduction of 20% on a five-day working week? If someone told the hon. Gentleman that his salary would be reduced by 20% next week, would he not find that difficult?

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  The Committee received a submission from Lewis Silkin, a leading legal expert in the field of employment law. It says that some of the Government’s proposals will lead to a reduction in claims, and certainly in complex claims such as those that many employees with less than two years’ service may make under the Equality Act 2010 because they do not qualify for unfair dismissal rights. The tribunal deals with unfair dismissal claims very quickly. Such claims tend to receive one, two or three days of consideration by a tribunal, at the most, whereas Equality Act claims are often listed for longer than a week. Giving people unfair dismissal rights from day one will reduce the number of people who have to bring Equality Act or whistleblowing claims to try to fit their circumstances, and that will mean a reduction in the number of tribunal sitting days. I will not step on the Minister’s toes when it comes to the Department’s modelling for tribunals, but it is important to remember that as a result of the measure, more people will be able to negotiate and negotiations will be more sensible. Let us think about the anatomy of an employment tribunal claim. Day one starts when something happens to an individual. In the case of being sacked or being discriminated against, that thing is quite traumatic, so in the first week or so, employees are not generally thinking about their legal options. That is one week gone already. Then people have to look at getting legal advice, contact their trade union and look at the options available, all of which take time. By the time they are in a position to think, “Perhaps I will negotiate with the employer,” they are already two months down the line. If an employee rushes through an employment tribunal claim, the practical implications are that the claim is really complex, the employee does not quite understand their legal claims and an awful lot of tribunal time and business time is spent on trying to clarify things. If we give employees longer, we will find that more claims are sensibly put. Employees will have obtained legal advice or sought support from their trade unions, and they will have had time to negotiate with employers about potential out-of-court settlements. This is important and, most significantly, it is about access to justice: many people who are timed out of bringing a claim did not even realise that they had one in the first place. Not everyone has immediate access to the knowledge that they have rights at work and that employment tribunals exist, so it is important that we try to level the playing field to ensure that employees have time to bring claims in the best possible way. Not everyone is a lawyer. Individual employees, like many small businesses, do not have the benefit of being able to call up their local employment lawyer to get advice on potential claims. Preparing a claim takes time, and the measure means that employees will be able to make more sensible claims. It is a very positive change, and I am glad that it is being made. The Law Commission recommended several years ago that the time limit should be extended from three to six months, so this is not an arbitrary time that has been plucked out of nowhere; it is based on Law Commission suggestions, as I understand it. I encourage all hon. Members to vote in favour of the measure.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Stringer. I am grateful to the Minister for introducing this amendment. It makes a lot of sense to make sure that we avoid the opportunity for unscrupulous employers to try to get around the legislation by entering into a series of short-term/fixed-term contracts so that they do not have to make anybody an offer. We spoke at length this morning about making sure that responsible employers are encouraged, but ensuring that the loopholes are closed is equally important. Although Government Members are seeking to comment on the number of amendments, this is an example where the amendments are excellent and very well thought through. It makes an awful lot of sense to take into account the responses from experts and the consultation responses that the Department is receiving to make sure that the legislation works not only for businesses, but for employers. The amendment is very sensible, and I encourage everyone to vote in favour of it.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Sixth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I want to drill down on an important point of principle that we should be considering. I do not want this to become a tale of woe from my previous career in hospitality, but I remember being docked three hours’ pay by my boss because there were no customers for those three hours, and there is a similar point of principle here. I understand that there will be times when a restaurant is empty, but someone turning up to work will expect to get paid for that shift. Then there is the cost to the employee of going to work. People might have to secure childcare—I have recently had to look at the cost of childcare and the astronomical prices that are being charged—or pay to travel into work, and they might have paid in advance and be unable to get a refund. Why does the shadow Minister believe that the burden on the employee is less important than the burden on the business?

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Does the hon. Member not agree that most businesses in hospitality know their seasons very well? They come every year and they tend to operate on a relatively regular basis—that is how seasons work. As has been highlighted, businesses could use fixed-term contracts to ensure that they have appropriate staffing for the season. Those contracts would end at the appropriate time, negating the need for a longer reference period.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  My experience in business goes way back. My parents ran a small business and, although I would not say I was a worker at it, I helped out from the age of nine. I got my first job at a small business when I was 12, and I worked in the hospitality trade throughout my school and university years, all at small and medium-sized enterprises. I spoke last week about the fact that I was on a zero-hours contract for the most part while I was there. I then became an employment lawyer advising businesses, from start-ups to FTSE 100 companies and global conglomerates. So I have some experience in these matters, and I am very grateful to be on the Committee. Let me go back to my experience on a zero-hours contract. We are talking about amendments that would take out SMEs from many of these provisions, and I want to draw on two of my experiences and say why I think this issue is important. I mentioned the first last week: when I was on a zero-hours contract at the hotel that I worked at in my later teens, everybody in that business was on a zero-hours contract. As a 15-year-old, I was quite happy to be on a zero-hours contract. I had to balance it with playing rugby and my studies, but in the summer I could flex up and work longer hours. However, for many of my colleagues, that was their full-time job; it was the job that paid their rent or mortgage—if they had been lucky enough to buy a house—looked after their kids and provided the heating each winter. But when it came to it, it was open to abuse, and the manager I had would vary hours based not on demand, but on whether she liked the individual or not. I remember vividly that one week a colleague refused—quite rightly, I would say—to take the manager’s personal shopping up to her fourth-floor flat, because he was really busy behind the bar; he was the only barman on shift. He usually worked between 50 and 60 hours a week; for the next month, he was given five hours a week. He had two children, and rent to pay. I just do not agree with the amendment suggesting that that is fine and that that abuse of someone’s rights could continue indefinitely.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  If we are looking at the numbers, I am glad that somebody on the Opposition Benches is finally acknowledging that we have massively increased employment allowance, taking many small businesses out of paying national insurance contributions altogether. It is nice to finally have some recognition of some of the good stuff this Government are doing for small businesses. To return to the point, though, there is a big difference between having four employees, which would allow somebody to employ people on the national living wage, and having 500 employees. It would be much easier for a large business to exploit the kind of loopholes that are being suggested by reorganising itself into blocks of 499 employees than it would be for a business of a couple of thousand employees to be split into organisations of four employees or fewer, so I think that that is what is much more likely to happen. I will not name names, but I have been in the trade for a long time, and whenever there is employment legislation, businesses will be considering how best to deal with it, and some are more aggressive than others. In this case, aggressive employers would potentially exploit that loophole, as my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham Northfield suggested. We are creating a level playing field, which is an important part of this Bill. We heard in evidence last week that many employers are already doing so many of the good things in this Bill. This is a levelling of the playing field, to stop people undercutting good employers with what are, quite frankly, shoddy employment practices. To sum up, I fully support the Bill, and I do not support the amendment. We should not create a two-tier employment system, where instances such as those that I and my colleagues suffered, like others working on zero-hours contracts in small and medium-sized enterprises, are allowed to go unchecked. We should continue to create a level playing field, as the Minister has suggested. It is important that we encourage all small and medium-sized enterprises to be good employers because, as the hon. Member for Chippenham said, staff retention in small and medium-sized enterprise is difficult. Being good employers—offering flexible working and ensuring that people have regular hours, if that is what they are working—can only benefit small and medium-sized enterprises, as they grow and expand their businesses.

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I refer the Committee to my membership of GMB and Community, and to my former membership of the Employment Lawyers Association. I am somewhat confused by the shadow Minister’s comments. On the one hand, he says that every business in his constituency offers flexible working already and therefore there is no requirement for this legislation; on the other hand, he says it is such a burden to businesses that it will stop them employing people. If everyone is doing it already and we are still employing people, what is the problem?

• 3 Dec 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Fifth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Well, the individual would be able to raise a grievance, but discrimination requires it to be related to a protected characteristic, and there is no protected characteristic saying that just because someone disagrees with a manager, he would be able to bring a claim under the Equality Act 2010 for discrimination. He might be able to raise a grievance about that, but that requires an employer to have a fair grievance process and to actually follow through. Is that individual, who is already on very low pay and struggling to pay his rent and feed his kids, going to take that grievance through a tribunal system that the previous Government allowed to really suffer? Eighteen to 24 months is the standard waiting time to get any form of justice, so I do not think it is appropriate to say that he would be able just to go to a tribunal. What he really needed was guaranteed hours and small businesses being prevented from abusing people by saying that they can continue to work 60 hours but not offering them a regular-hours contract. My second point is on sexual harassment or harassment by third parties. When I was 15 years old, I worked at a Christmas party for midwives at that same hotel, and during that party I was sexually assaulted in the workplace. I was groped by the midwives and told that because I was only 15, they would be able to teach me a thing or two. When I approached my manager about it, he said I should enjoy that kind of attention because I was a man. I am really conscious that female colleagues suffered way worse than I did. Just because businesses are smaller, that does not mean that the impact on victims and people working there is any less. However, the wording of the Bill is “all reasonable steps”, and the “reasonable” test is taken into account when tribunals consider such matters and what reasonable steps need to be taken by businesses. The size of a business is often something that tribunals will take into account when they look at what “all reasonable steps” would mean. In my example, there were reasonable steps that could have been taken, but I was told that I had to get back in there and carry on working with that party. Excluding small businesses would prevent them from having the duty to look after their employees when they are suffering harassment in the workplace. To come back to the point made by the hon. Member for Mid Leicestershire about competing evenly, my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham Northfield has already talked about some of the perverse outcomes that the amendment might lead to. Unscrupulous employers who want to get around the legislation in whatever way they can might end up setting up umbrella companies in order to do that if this amendment were passed. A two-tier employment system would be a barrier to growth for companies, because it would say, “If you grow your company and continue to do well, you are going to put additional regulation on to the company.” There would be a perverse incentive for businesses to grow to 499 employees and stop there.

• 28 Nov 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Fourth sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Q One of our previous witnesses, Luke Johnson, said that one thing that he thought was bad for business in the Bill was increasing access to paternity leave. Mr Johnson publicly backed the now Leader of the Opposition in her leadership campaign, and she of course said that maternity pay had gone too far. Do you think, in reflecting on your evidence, that those comments belong to the 1950s, and do you see the benefits for both business and workers in protecting mums and dads in the workplace? Dr Stephenson: Yes. What we know is that at every point at which women’s rights have been improved in the labour market—the Equal Pay Act 1970, the Sex Discrimination Act 1975 and the introduction of the national minimum wage, where women were the majority of those who benefited—there have always been some people who have said, “This will be disastrous for business and will lead us to stop employing women,” but that has not actually happened. The proportion of women in the labour market has gone up, and businesses have benefited from having an increased number of women in the labour market. I think that what is proposed around paternity and parental leave is relatively minimal, compared with what is available in a number of other European countries, for example. I do not think that this will be disastrous for business. I do think that if we want women to be able to survive and thrive in the labour market, we have to redress the balance where women of child-bearing age are seen as much more of a risk for employers than men are. We know that in the long term we will all benefit from legislation that makes things better for parents and makes it easier for people to have children and to raise a family, because one of the crises that we are facing on a global scale is a falling birth rate. A society where there are not enough young people to work and pay the taxes that will support those of us here today when we are in our old age and to care for us when we are old is a society that is in trouble. Part of doing this is improving rights for parents when they have small children, so that people have the children they want to have, rather than thinking, “We can’t afford to do this.”

• 28 Nov 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Third sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Q My questions are for Claire. I should declare that I am a Co-op member and a member of the Co-operative party. You mention having a positive relationship with your unions. I was an employment lawyer before I came to this place, advising businesses up and down the country. In terms of your view on the provisions around union recognition in this Bill, what do you think the benefits to business are of having a positive relationship with the trade unions that represent your employees? You also mention an increase in employment tribunal claims. We would hope that most employers would follow the new legislation and therefore avoid those claims, but we both know that there are a small number of bad-faith actors who will always try to find a claim. There are already claims that individuals can bring from day one, but do you think you will see a big increase in bad-faith claims, or do you think they are already there in the system? Claire Costello: I will take the point about unions first. The strong relationship we have with the union means that we can work in a very collaboratively challenging way together—do not get me wrong; it is not without having difficult conversations, but that is the point. A healthy relationship is like a healthy marriage. You do not just give up on each other. You have those difficult conversations with each other and face into issues and look for solutions. The key for me is looking for solutions. Having very progressive relationships means that you can talk about the direction of the business and what you need to do, and work together on finding solutions. That is what we have found with our relationships. It is not always easy, but it is absolutely the better way of going forward. In terms of employment tribunals, I think you are right. The reason we think it would go up is that, as with all things, when something becomes more available, by virtue of that fact there will be more people who want to use it. We do not have the absolute evidence to say it, because it is not there today, but the reality will be that if you can take their employer to court, why would you not? There will be more individuals who would wish to do so. We have said before that it is about having clarity and making sure that we understand what reasonable looks like and what the steps are that would be expected. It is more about the onus of extra work that this will bring to each of the areas. As I said, we follow all of the processes very strictly, and we try to make sure that we have a very fair and open conversation with all of our colleagues. The challenge will always be that you cannot make everybody happy all the time.

• 27 Nov 2024 · Violence against Women and Girls · Hansard source

  More

  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Mark. I thank the hon. Member for Poplar and Limehouse (Apsana Begum) for securing this important debate. On Monday, we marked White Ribbon Day, a global campaign to end violence against women and girls. The statistics are stark: every 10 minutes a woman is killed by a partner or family member somewhere in the world, and in the UK a woman is killed by an abusive partner every five days. The police receive a call related to domestic abuse every 30 seconds, and by the time that I finish this speech, four women will have made that call. The data paints a clear picture. Everyone in this room will know a woman who has been affected by this issue, and sadly it is on the rise. The theme of this year’s White Ribbon Day is “It Starts with Men”, and it starts here with men calling out unacceptable misogyny and violence. In Gloucester, domestic abuse and sexual assault reached record levels last year, and across the county we saw an increase of nearly 2,000 more domestic abuse-related crimes. Earlier this month, I held a roundtable with local organisations, such as the Hollie Gazzard Trust, FearFree and the Gloucestershire Domestic Abuse Support Service, to discuss how we can tackle violence against women and girls, domestic abuse and stalking in Gloucester. The issue is complex, but we must prevent violence against women, ensure that women are supported to leave domestically abusive relationships, and provide the support needed for women facing all types of gender-based violence and stalking. I am pleased that the Government are committed to halving violence against women within a decade, and I am pleased that they are working to improve police responses and ensure faster justice for survivors. As well as the recent introduction of workplace sexual harassment laws, I welcome new protections for victims of stalking, and to make spiking a criminal offence—something that my predecessor worked hard on. All those measures will help keep my constituents safe and ensure that the women of Gloucester feel safe and supported. Together, we can create a society where women and girls are no longer subjected to fear, abuse or violence. Together, we can end violence against women and girls.

• 26 Nov 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Q We have heard a lot today from other witnesses about the benefits of the flexibility of zero-hours contracts to businesses. Could you tell us a little bit about the impact on your members of the uncertainty of zero-hours contracts? Paul Nowak: It has a massive uncertainty in terms of people not being able to plan their lives and not knowing whether they are going to be working enough hours to pay the bills and to meet their rent or mortgage at the end of the month. Overwhelmingly, those on zero-hours contracts want guaranteed hours. The vast majority of the British public, regardless of who they voted for at the last election, want to see an end to zero-hours contracts. We polled 1,000 large, medium and small employers, and 70% of them believe that getting rid of zero-hours contracts will drive improvements in productivity. I will make one final point. We hear a lot about the potential cost to employers, the potential impact on recruitment and so on, but some of those points were made during the introduction of the minimum wage.

• 26 Nov 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (Second sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I am a member of the GMB and Community unions, and until the general election was a member of the Employment Lawyers Association.

• 26 Nov 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (First sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  I refer to my membership of the GMB and Community unions, and my previous membership of the Employment Lawyers Association.

• 26 Nov 2024 · Employment Rights Bill (First sitting) · Hansard source

  More

  Q I used to work on a zero-hours contract in the hospitality industry, as many do. Everyone who worked in that small business was on a zero-hours contract, which led to a situation where colleagues of mine would be on 60 hours one week and then given five hours the following week by the boss, who was doing that for personal reasons, frankly. I was a student at the time—I was growing up and at school—but they had a family and bills to pay. Would you not agree that there does need to be reform in a system that puts all the flexibility in the hands of the employer and none in the hands of the employees? Particularly on zero-hours contract reform, would you not agree that most seasonal businesses understand the seasonality of their business and, with some planning, would be able to put employees on permanent contracts for their baseline business throughout the year, but then use fixed-term contracts for the seasonal part of their year so that they had additional employees for the fixed term of their season?

• 19 Nov 2024 · Food Banks · Hansard source

  More

  Will the shadow Minister acknowledge that the OBR actually said that 90% of households will be better off under this Budget, and it is only the wealthiest 10% of households that will feel the cost, making sure that we are spreading the cost on to those shoulders that can bear it most?

• 19 Nov 2024 · Food Banks · Hansard source

  More

  It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Vaz, and I congratulate the hon. Member for Aberdeenshire North and Moray East (Seamus Logan) on securing this important debate. Food banks have undoubtedly become a lifeline for countless families and children across the UK, including in my own constituency of Gloucester, and I am deeply grateful for the vital work that organisations such as Gloucester food bank do in providing immediate support to those in crisis. I also wish to highlight the work of all the other charities and organisations tackling food poverty in Gloucester, including Gloucester Feed the Hungry, the Redwell Centre, Barney’s Pantry, the Community Kitchen, the Welcome Table café and Quedgeley Community Pantry, to name just a few. Until 2010, food banks were something rare that only a few families ever had to rely on, perhaps in times of extreme need or emergency, but today that is no longer the case. Last year alone, more than 3.1 million emergency food parcels were handed out. That is a disgrace. It is a disgrace that in a nation as wealthy as the UK, which has the world’s sixth-largest economy, food poverty is no longer an isolated issue. It is a growing crisis, and one that worsens each year. In 2023, 7.2 million people, including 17% of children, were living in food-insecure households. That is a tragedy and a failure of our social and economic system. There are plenty of examples of failure under the Conservative Government, but the rise in the use of food banks stands out as perhaps one of the most alarming. Austerity, benefit sanctions, the botched roll-out of universal credit, underpaid and insecure employment, and an NHS left to fail—these policies have contributed to an epidemic of food poverty and, as always, it has fallen to a Labour Government to fix the mess that the Conservatives left behind. Food banks in Gloucester provide invaluable support, offering a lifeline in times of crisis. However, the work comes at a heavy cost: volunteers and organisers are under immense pressure, with many reaching the point of exhaustion to meet growing demand. I am pleased that the Government have started to take the action necessary to make work pay, improve workers’ and renters’ rights, build more social housing, and tackle child poverty head on.

• 12 Nov 2024 · NHS Dentistry: South-west · Hansard source

  More

  It is an honour to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Vickers. I extend my congratulations to the hon. Member for Honiton and Sidmouth (Richard Foord) on securing this important debate on NHS dentistry in the south-west. NHS dentistry stands at a critical crossroads, facing the most challenging period in its history. A recent report from the Nuffield Trust described the threat to NHS dentistry as “existential”. Under the previous Conservative Government, NHS dentistry was put under immense strain, with only enough dentists to serve half the population and a severe shortage of investment. The Tories left Britain with one of the smallest dentistry budgets across Europe. At the start of the year, a staggering 13 million people were unable to access NHS dental care, which is more than three times as many as before the pandemic. Tragically, 7% of adults have resorted to the most desperate of measures: performing DIY dentistry, including pulling out their own teeth. In the south-west, and particularly in my Gloucester constituency, the situation is deeply concerning. The region is one of the worst dental deserts in the country, as we have heard today, with just over a third of adults in the south-west having seen an NHS dentist in the last two years. In some cases, people are waiting up to four years for an appointment. The effects on children are particularly shocking. In the south-west, only one in two children was seen by an NHS dentist in the last year—well below the national average. That is a disgrace. We see an increasing number of children suffering from tooth decay, to the point that the most common reason for hospital admissions among children aged five to nine is to have their teeth removed due to rot. In my constituency of Gloucester, two in five constituents are facing significant delays in accessing dental treatment, with many unable to see an NHS dentist at all. I heard some of these challenges first hand on a visit to the Bupa surgery on Painswick Road in my constituency. Sadly, Gloucester falls below the national and south-west averages for children and adults seen by a dentist, and has one of the lowest numbers of dentists in England. Families across Gloucester are suffering. Plans are afoot to change that, and I have had positive early discussions with the ICB and the University of Gloucestershire about their plans to establish a new dental hub at the university’s new campus in the city centre, which is very exciting for my city. I am also aware that we need long-term change and investment from the Government to ensure that we meet the current challenges in NHS dentistry and reverse the worrying finding that 60% of NHS dentists in England have considered leaving the profession. That is why I am proud to support the Government’s plan to fix NHS dentistry to deal with the immediate crisis. The Government have committed to providing 700,000 additional urgent dental appointments to tackle the backlog and to provide immediate relief to those suffering in my constituency. I look forward to the Minister’s update on that in his closing remarks. I know that the Labour Government are committed to providing the necessary investment and reform to ensure that our dental services are fit for the future, but these measures are desperately needed in Gloucester and across the south-west.

• 24 Oct 2024 · Business of the House · Hansard source

  More

  Next week, members of the European Pride Organisers Association will vote on the hosts of EuroPride 2027. I am proud to back the only UK bid to host that festival, Pride in Gloucestershire, which would include an opening ceremony at Gloucester docks and a festival in Gloucester Park. Will the Leader of the House join me in encouraging members of EPOA to vote for Pride in Gloucestershire for EuroPride 2027?

• 24 Oct 2024 · Special Educational Needs and Disabilities · Hansard source

  More

  Far too many families in my constituency have come to me in tears, not just at the lack of support for their children with SEND but at a system that seems set up to stop them getting that support. How many appeals are successful because they should have got through the first time around? People feel they are being let down by the system, so will the Minister please ensure that our reformed system will not make families have to fight to get the support that their children so desperately need?

• 23 Oct 2024 · Paternity Leave and Pay · Hansard source

  More

  I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Telford (Shaun Davies) on securing the debate. I will try to explain my experience in one minute. A year ago this week, I had my two weeks of paternity leave. Quite frankly, there is an awful lot more that we need to do. I welcome the changes in the Employment Rights Bill, but it cannot be right that a father goes back to work two weeks after a birth if, for example, a mother who has had a caesarean section is still in recovery from that medical procedure and needs support at home. It is not a case of them being able to get up and do whatever they like at that point, so we should change that as quickly as we can. On shared parental leave, my wife lost a month of her maternity leave so that I could have a month with my baby boy, and that stops parents wanting to take it. It made me think twice about taking it, rather than thinking, “What an amazing privilege it is to spend a month with my baby boy.” Finally, we must ensure that all fathers can afford to take paternity leave. It is a financial penalty to many, and we really need to encourage all parents to be able to take time with their children.