Alex Davies-Jones MP: speeches 2025

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Speeches

  • 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source
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    I look forward to meeting the hon. Gentleman and his constituent in due course to discuss the failings in the criminal justice system that led to her experience. No victim should go through what she did, and I stand ready to support her and improve the situation. Let me turn to the amendment in the name of the hon. Member for Maidenhead (Mr Reynolds), which I touched on in my opening remarks. I know that my hon. Friend the Member for Rochester and Strood (Lauren Edwards), the Opposition Front Bench spokesperson, the hon. Member for Bexhill and Battle (Dr Mullan), and others in this Chamber spoke to that amendment. I know that many Members will have had horrifying casework in which families are stuck trying to differentiate between a language barrier and a different jurisdiction or legal system, all while trying to get answers on what has happened to their loved one. That is unacceptable. I remain of the view that the victims code is not the right place for these victims to have that framework, because the victims code is based on the justice system in England and Wales. It does not apply, and it is not right. However, I am committed, and I have already met with the Minister in the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, my hon. Friend the Member for Lincoln (Mr Falconer), to discuss the FCDO and the MOJ working together on how best we can support victims, and working with the Victims’ Commissioner and the charity Murdered Abroad on creating the dedicated framework and guidance on what victims in this country can expect.

  • 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source
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    I thank my hon. Friend for that thoughtful intervention, and he is right. We need to get this right for all victims of all crimes—that includes intersectionality and vulnerable victims. That point speaks to the heart of the amendments tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Lowestoft (Jess Asato) in relation to by-and-for services and specialist support services. She mentioned Jewish support charities, and I am meeting Jewish Women’s Aid tomorrow to talk about how we can better support them. She is right that this has to be holistic and comprehensive, because one size does not fit all when it comes to victims of these crimes.

  • 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source
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    My right hon. Friend is right. The Bill is a testament to those brave victims and survivors who have spoken out about this injustice, and it is this Government who are correcting that. My right hon. Friend also said that the amendment stands on the shoulders of brave, brilliant women in this place who have come before us and are still here, and it is apt for me to pay tribute to her as well, because new clause 13, concerning the misuse of nondisclosure agreements, is a testament to her brilliant campaigning. The Government are very clear about the fact that NDAs must not be used to silence victims or witnesses of crime. Victims must be free to tell their truth, to seek help, and to warn others. New clause 13 will void NDAs to the extent that they seek to prevent a victim or a direct witness from speaking about criminal conduct to anyone, and for any purpose. It will also protect disclosures about how the other party responded to the conduct or allegation, so that victims are not prevented from sharing the full context of their experience. It builds on the Employment Rights Bill, which addresses the use of NDAs in cases of workplace harassment and discrimination. It will bind the Crown, but will not apply to a narrow cohort of specified agreements for national security reasons. It includes regulation-making powers to define “excepted NDAs”, where both parties genuinely wish to retain confidentiality, and to ensure that certain disclosures will always be permitted. Once commenced, this measure will replace section 17 of the Victims and Prisoners Act 2024, which allows limited disclosures to certain bodies. Together with the Employment Rights Bill, we are taking the necessary steps to ensure that NDAs cannot be misused to silence victims or obstruct justice. Let me now briefly address a number of other concerns that have been raised and led to the tabling of amendments. I will not pre-empt what will be said later today, and I will give Members the time to make their cases. However, I again thank those in all parts of the House for engaging with me and setting out their concerns. New clause 2, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Bristol East (Kerry McCarthy), would place a statutory duty on the Crown court and His Majesty’s Courts and Tribunals Service to determine whether an offender has parental responsibility for a child following sentencing. The new clause is well intentioned, but it risks creating practical difficulties. Determining whether a person holds parental responsibility, has dependent children or has children living in their household may require interpretation of family court orders, birth records or informal care-giving arrangements. These are matters for the family court; imposing such a duty on the Crown court risks delaying sentencing. This Government gave a manifesto commitment to identify and provide support for children affected by parental imprisonment, and the Ministry of Justice and the Department of Education are working together to determine the best way to deliver on that commitment and ensure that every child gets the support that it needs. The right hon. Member for Newark (Robert Jenrick) and the hon. Member for Chichester (Jess Brown-Fuller) have tabled amendments to remove the four-year custodial threshold that applies to clause 3, and to expand the number of cases in which the clause will apply. This is not simply about when parental responsibility should be restricted; it is about when that restriction should happen automatically. We need to be mindful that this is a very novel proposal. Removing the threshold would add a very large number of cases to what is an untested approach. More cases will also mean more applications to the family court, and it is important we do not overwhelm the court and create delays that would put the vulnerable children already in the system at further risk. We want to be sure that there are no adverse consequences for those children and their families who are already in the family court. That is why we have sought to keep these measures narrow, so that we can understand exactly how they are working in practice and what the impacts are. As I said on Second Reading and in Committee, this is just the beginning. As part of the implementation of these measures, we will seek to understand how they operate in practice and ensure that there are clear routes through the family court for the restriction of the parental responsibility of any perpetrator who does not fall into this category. The right hon. Member for Newark has tabled amendments on the unduly lenient sentencing scheme. Parliament intended the scheme to be an exceptional power, and I recognise the importance of finality in sentencing to avoid ongoing uncertainty for victims, those convicted, and society more broadly about the sentence to be served. However, I also recognise the exceptionally difficult circumstances for victims and their families in making a referral to the Attorney General within the 28-day limit. The Law Commission is carrying out a review of criminal appeals, and held a public consultation that sought views from a range of individuals on reforms to the ULS scheme, including extending the time limit and offences in scope. The Government will , of course, carefully consider the review’s final recommendations, but I can assure Members on both sides of the House that I have heard the strength of feeling on the ULS scheme. The amendments that have been tabled on the matter raise important issues, and I will continue to look at the issue carefully as the Bill progresses towards the other place. On that, I make a commitment. The right hon. Member for Newark has also tabled an amendment on victim personal statements, a topic on which I must pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Forest of Dean (Matt Bishop) for his dedicated campaigning. Victim personal statements can be an incredibly powerful way for victims and their families to tell the court how the crime has impacted them, and for the court to directly hear evidence about the harm caused when considering its sentencing of the offender. This is the victim’s voice in the courtroom. It is important to understand that these statements are evidence submitted to the court to assist it in determining sentences. As evidence they are subject to strict rules, which the court applies to ensure that the criminal justice process works fairly and effectively. That is why the content is limited to explaining the impact of the crime.

  • 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source
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    I echo those sentiments entirely It has genuinely been my privilege to hear her story, and to work with her to ensure that this measure stops rapists taking an active role in a child’s life when that child was conceived as a result of rape. I cannot imagine the enormous complexity that mothers such as her face in this situation, and I am in awe of her bravery and that of so many others. This measure will ensure that rapists cannot take active steps in a child’s life when that child has been conceived as a result of the crime for which they have been convicted. In order to protect as many children as possible, our measure features a two-track process. When the Crown court is satisfied that a child was conceived as a result of rape, it must make a prohibited steps order restricting the offender’s parental responsibility, unless it is not in the interests of justice to do so. We recognise that rape can occur within an abusive relationship, and that this may make it difficult to prove at a criminal trial that it led to the child’s conception. When that is the case, but the court considers that the rape may have led to the conception of the child, it will refer the matter to the family court via the local authority. This two-track process sends a clear message that we will protect all children born of rape, no matter what the circumstances. The Government recognise the clear risk that serious child sex offenders pose to their children, which is why we tabled amendment 10, which will expand clause 3 of the Bill. It means that when someone is sentenced to four or more years for serious child sexual abuse, against any child, the courts will automatically restrict their parental responsibility. The process will remain the same: at the point when an offender is sentenced, the Crown court will be required to make a prohibited steps order restricting the offender’s exercise of parental responsibility for all children for whom they hold it. For offenders to be in scope of the amendment, they will have demonstrated that they are unable to protect children and to consider their welfare. That is why it includes all serious child sexual abuse offences against all children. Unlike the last Government’s plans in the Criminal Justice Bill, this proposal is not limited to offences of child rape. What is more, unlike the last Government, this Government will actually deliver on it. We are taking this important step today to protect even more children by preventing these individuals from taking active steps in their children’s lives. We have recognised the strength of feeling on this issue, and I am grateful to Members—especially my hon. Friend the Member for Bolsover, whom I have already mentioned, but also my hon. Friend the Member for Lowestoft (Jess Asato), the right hon. Member for Dwyfor Meirionnydd (Liz Saville Roberts), and Baroness Harman. They have been unwavering in their advocacy for the protection of children. Safeguarding children is of the utmost importance to this Government, and amendment 10 ensures that we are doing just that.

  • 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source
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    I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.

  • 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source
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    The shadow Minister is right that there are certain things that victims should be able to say in their victim impact statement—we agree on that—but there are things that are clearly not in the remit of what should be openly discussed in a sentencing hearing. They include information pertaining to the offender’s family, for example. Victims may want to reference that in their victim impact statements, but for the safety of those other family members, they should not be mentioned. It is right that we have strict guidance, and I am willing to work with him and other hon. Members to ensure that the victims have a voice in this.

  • 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source
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    I thank my hon. Friend for raising that case. It is a horrific case that I know all too well, because the previous Member for Cardiff West, who is now in the other place, raised it previously and sought to support Rita’s family. I will seek to support them in any way I can and will work with the FCDO, because justice delayed is justice denied for anyone, regardless of where they are. I make the commitment to the hon. Member for Maidenhead that we will find the right way forward to support these families, but I do not believe that his amendment is the right one, so I implore him to withdraw it. I turn to my hon. Friend the Member for Bristol East (Kerry McCarthy), who is right: these are invisible children and we must do more to protect them. This is not just about identifying them and their parents, who are the perpetrators; it is about supporting those children and better identifying them, and I make that commitment to her. She asked me directly about how we are going to do this. The Minister responsible for sentencing and the Children’s Minister have met to discuss this issue and held a roundtable with organisations to look at the best way of doing this, and I will impress on them my hon. Friend’s desire for them to move quickly and involve her in how best to bring this forward. I will discuss the amendments on restorative justice tabled by the hon. Member for Wimbledon (Mr Kohler). I encourage all Members of this place to go and see the play “Punch”, which is outstanding—it is probably the best example of restorative justice that anyone can see. Restorative justice is not right for every victim and will not work for everyone; it needs consent from both the victim and the perpetrator. It will not be right for every crime, but in certain crimes it is appropriate and can provide better victim outcomes and lower reoffending rates. The Prisons Minister and the new Secretary of State are passionate believers in that. We are looking closely at this issue as a Department and will continue to work with the hon. Gentleman to see how best we can bring out restorative justice programmes across the Ministry of Justice. I come to my hon. Friend the Member for Forest of Dean (Matt Bishop). I think we have already discussed his commitment to these victims and families for justice, and I pay tribute to him. I am committed to working further on the unduly lenient sentencing scheme to ensure that victims have the right to redress and to complain in an appropriate time, and that the victim impact statements are fit for purpose and represent that victim’s voice. For Katie Brett, the Youens family and all those who feel that they have been silenced, I make that commitment today. We also need that clarity in sentencing and transparency on what a sentence actually is, and I wholeheartedly agree with my hon. Friend. My hon. Friends the Members for Lowestoft and for Calder Valley (Josh Fenton-Glynn) talked about the need for vital support services, and they are right. Without the vital support services that support victims and survivors, we do not have victims and survivors engaged in a criminal justice system. There needs to be a multi-year settlement—my hon. Friend the Member for Lowestoft mentioned that as well—to ensure that they are sustainable, effective and there to support victims. Those organisations know that we are currently going through the financial allocations process in the Ministry of Justice. We are due to complete that process very soon, because I know that these vital organisations need certainty as to the sustainability of their future, and I have committed to them that I will provide it soon. I also hear their calls for more support for child victims. Again, that is something I will be looking at as part of the consultation on the victims code later this year, because although we have identified that children can be victims in their own right, there is little to support them, and they deserve support too. I am committed to working with my hon. Friend the Member for Lowestoft and other hon. Members to get this right. My hon. Friend the Member for Rotherham (Sarah Champion) and I have spoken many times about the efficiency and effectiveness of the criminal injuries compensation scheme. Change in this area cannot be piecemeal; we need proper change if victims are to be supported, if they are to have redress, and if they are to have the recognition that they so vitally need—that something has happened to them, and that they are a victim. As my hon. Friend mentioned, there is discretion in the scheme. There are many reasons for that, but she is right that the scheme does not work. We have heard that time and again, and I am committed to working with her to determine what scheme should be in place to support victims and survivors. I want to hear from them directly, and I am also keen to hear from Quebec—which my hon. Friend mentioned—about how the scheme there operates. If we can learn about best practice internationally, we should do so. But most importantly, we need an effective and sustainable redress scheme for victims of violent crime. Finally, I wish to pay tribute, as others have done, to my hon. Friends the Members for Penistone and Stocksbridge (Dr Tidball), for Bolsover (Natalie Fleet) and for Lowestoft, and to every single Member in this place who has stood up and discussed the need for change through this Bill. They have spoken from their hearts. They have spoken with bravery and with lived experience about what is needed to support victims and survivors. Never let anyone tell you that having a Labour Government does not make a difference. What is the difference? It is delivering for victims—deeds, not words. That is what we are doing in this Chamber this evening. We are making that difference, delivering for Claire Throssell, Jan Mustafa, Sabina Nessa, Olivia Pratt-Korbel, and the countless other victims who have been failed by the criminal justice system. That is the difference a Labour Government makes. I commend this Bill to the House. Question put and agreed to. New clause 13 accordingly read a Second time, and added to the Bill. New Clause 14 Restriction of parental responsibility for child conceived as a result of rape “After section 10D of the Children Act 1989 (review of orders made under section 10C) (inserted by section 3) insert— “10E Duty to make prohibited steps order following rape (1) This section applies where the Crown Court— (a) sentences a person (‘the offender’) for an offence under section 1 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 (rape), and (b) is satisfied that a child (‘the child’) for whom the offender has parental responsibility was conceived as a result of the rape. (2) The Crown Court must make a prohibited steps order when sentencing the offender. (3) The order must— (a) specify that no step of any kind which could be taken by a parent in meeting their parental responsibility for a child may be taken by the offender with respect to the child without the consent of the High Court or the family court, and (b) be made to have effect until the order is varied or discharged by the High Court or the family court. (4) But the Crown Court must not make a prohibited steps order under this section if— (a) making the order is prohibited by section 29(3) of the Adoption and Children Act 2002, (b) a prohibited steps order is already in force that meets the requirements in subsection (3), or (c) it appears to the Crown Court that it would not be in the interests of justice to do so. (5) A prohibited steps order made under this section does not cease to have effect if the offender is acquitted of the offence on appeal, but see section 10G. (6) Sections 1, 7 and 11 do not apply where the Crown Court proceeds under this section. (7) A prohibited steps order made under this section is to be treated for the purposes of section 31F(6) of the Matrimonial and Family Proceedings Act 1984 (proceedings and decisions) as if it were made by the family court. (8) The Crown Court does not have jurisdiction to entertain any proceedings in connection with the enforcement of a prohibited steps order made under this section. (9) A reference in this Act to an order under this section includes, so far as the context permits, an order varying or discharging it. 10F Duty to apply to court where child may have been conceived as a result of rape (1) This section applies where— (a) the Crown Court sentences a person (‘the offender’) for an offence under section 1 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 (rape), (b) the Crown Court is satisfied that there is a child (‘the child’) for whom the offender has parental responsibility, (c) the Crown Court considers that the child may have been conceived as a result of the rape, and (d) section 10E does not apply. (2) The Crown Court must notify the local authority that is the relevant local authority at the time the offender is sentenced (if any) of the matters set out in subsection (1). (3) The notification under subsection (2) must be given before the end of the period of 30 days beginning with the day after the day on which the offender is sentenced. (4) Before the end of the period of six months beginning with the day after the day on which the Crown Court notifies the local authority under subsection (2), the local authority must make enquiries into whether— (a) the victim of the rape, or (b) if the victim is deceased, any person with parental responsibility for the child other than the offender, consents to an application being made to the court (see section 92(7)) for the court to determine whether to make a section 8 order. (5) If consent is given, the local authority must make that application as soon as is reasonably practicable and in any event before the end of the period of 30 days beginning with the day after the day on which the consent is given. (6) Subsections (4) and (5) do not apply if the local authority is satisfied that the court would not have jurisdiction to make a section 8 order (see sections 2 and 3 of the Family Law Act 1986). (7) The Secretary of State may by regulations amend the periods specified in subsections (3), (4) and (5). (8) In this section, ‘relevant local authority’ means— (a) where the child is ordinarily resident within the area of a local authority in England or Wales, that local authority; (b) where the child does not fall within paragraph (a) but is present within the area of a local authority in England or Wales, that local authority. 10G Review of orders made under section 10E or following an application under section 10F (1) This section applies where— (a) either— (i) a prohibited steps order has been made under section 10E, or (ii) an order under Part II has been made following an application under section 10F, and (b) the offender is acquitted of the offence following an appeal. (2) The local authority that is the relevant local authority at the time the verdict of acquittal is entered (if any) must make an application to the court (see section 92(7)) to review the order. (3) An application under this section must be made as soon as is reasonably practicable and in any event before the end of the period of 30 days beginning with the day after the day on which the verdict of acquittal was entered. (4) The Secretary of State may by regulations amend the period specified in subsection (3). (5) In this section, ‘relevant local authority’ means— (a) where the child with respect to whom the order was made is ordinarily resident within the area of a local authority in England or Wales, that local authority; (b) where the child with respect to whom the order was made does not fall within paragraph (a) but is present within the area of a local authority in England or Wales, that local authority.””— (Alex Davies-Jones.) This new clause, to be inserted after clause 3, requires the Crown Court to restrict the parental responsibility of a person convicted of rape where a child was conceived as a result. If it is unclear whether the child was so conceived, the local authority must apply to the family court. Brought up, read the First and Second time, and added to the Bill. New Clause 4 Victim personal statements “(1) The Secretary of State shall, within six months of the passing of this Act, issue revised guidance on the content of victim personal statements. (2) The revised guidance issued under subsection (1) must stipulate that when making a victim personal statement, a victim shall be able to say anything they wish about the defendant, provided it is not contrary to any statutory limitations on free speech, makes allegations of untried criminal conduct or is disorderly language. (3) The court must disregard any prejudicial comments made during a victim personal statement.”— (Dr Mullan.) This new clause would require the Secretary of State to review how to make victim personal statements less restrictive and clarify what can be included. Brought up, and read the First time. Question put, That the clause be read a Second time.

  • 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source
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    Absolutely. I thank my hon. Friend the Chair of the Justice Committee for holding our feet to the fire as a Government to ensure that we bear down on that backlog. The Minister of State, my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Finchley and Golders Green (Sarah Sackman), is ensuring that we deliver for victims by bringing down that backlog, with record investment in our court system, record sitting days and looking at the reforms brought forward and the recommendations of Sir Brian Leveson in his once-in-a-generation review. It is only when we get on top of that court backlog that justice can be delivered and victims will feel it has been done. The Bill is a key part of the Government’s plan for change. It will deliver on many of our manifesto commitments to support and protect victims, restore confidence in our justice system and implement that swifter and fairer justice. I urge all hon. Members on both sides of the House to support its passage into law. I proudly commend the Bill to the House.

  • 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source
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    I thank my hon. Friend for raising the case of Violet-Grace. She has been a tireless campaigner and supporter of the family for many years. I have had the privilege of meeting the Youens family several times and hearing directly how they were affected by their experience with their victim impact statement and the limitations placed on them as to what they could say in court. It essentially silenced them, and meant that their pain was not heard by the perpetrator. I am committed to working with them and the other Families for Justice campaigners. I have had extensive conversations with the hon. Member for Bexhill and Battle (Dr Mullan), and with many other hon. Members across this House, on looking for a way forward to ensure that victims’ voices are best represented in sentencing. We do not need legislation for that. In fact, legislation could potentially make things worse through retraumatising victims by making them give two separate statements or by limiting—even further—in statute the parameters of what can be said. I do not want to limit or silence any victims; I want to work with them to ensure that there is universality, that there is support for them when completing their victim impact statements, and that the guidance is there so that everyone knows exactly what can be said in that impact statement. It is vital that we give victims a voice, and I am determined to achieve that. I know that my hon. Friend the Member for Lowestoft will speak to her amendment on placing a duty on certain authorities to commission specific support services for victims—and caregivers of victims—of abuse and exploitation. Again, this measure is well intentioned, but we do not agree that it is helpful to place a statutory obligation on certain authorities to commission certain support services. The Ministry of Justice already provides grant funding to police and crime commissioners that is used to commission support services for victims of abuse and exploitation. That includes ringfenced funding for sexual violence and domestic abuse services. It is for the PCCs to determine what support is best for their local areas. However, I remain committed to working with my hon. Friend and others to ensure that victims get the best support. My hon. Friend the Member for Rotherham (Sarah Champion) has tabled an amendment that seeks to reform the criminal injuries compensation scheme in relation to compensating victims of child sexual abuse. This Government are, of course, absolutely committed to supporting victims. However, we believe that reforming the scheme in a way that benefits only victims of child sexual abuse—or any other single crime type—would undermine its principle of universality. My hon. Friend the Member for Rotherham—as well as my hon. Friends the Members for Warrington North (Charlotte Nichols) and for Birmingham Northfield (Laurence Turner), and all those who attended the Westminster Hall debate earlier this year—will know the strength of feeling about the criminal injuries compensation scheme: it is not working, and it needs reform. I am committed to working with them and others, including victims and survivors, to ensure that that reform is not piecemeal and to look at how we can make it the most effective and sustainable scheme, to provide compensation to victims. The hon. Member for Maidenhead (Mr Reynolds) will no doubt speak to his amendment on support for families bereaved by homicide abroad. Bereaved families will, in many instances, need support tailored to their cases. We have heard that these families need more clarity about that offer from UK agencies, what the homicide service even is, and how to access it. That is why we are working with Departments across Government, agencies, and the Victims’ Commissioner to produce a clear, accessible guide to support families bereaved by homicide abroad. I am grateful to the charity Murdered Abroad for working alongside us to ensure that that guidance delivers on its aims, and that we help those families who are stuck in limbo. I will close by emphasising again the importance of this Bill. It is a foundation for a better justice system—one that provides even greater protection for victims and that delivers swifter and more efficient justice. It will not solve every issue we face overnight, but it is a strong, determined step forward: a signal that this Government stand shoulder to shoulder with victims. Again, I sincerely thank Members on all sides of the House for their engagement with this Bill. We work together in this place, and it is at its best when we come together for the sake of victims and survivors. I look forward to hearing the debate and responding to all of the views—I am looking forward to a really healthy debate. For now, I commend the Government amendments and new clauses to the House.

  • 27 Oct 2025 · Victims and Courts Bill · Hansard source
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    The shadow Minister has just outlined exactly why it would be wrong to put this into statute. The issue of victim impact statements is not black and white—there is a large grey area—which is why having a specific list of what can and cannot be put in place is not the right approach. We do not need legislation on this, but we do need proper guidance and training to support victims and families so they can have their say in a sentencing hearing.

  • 20 Oct 2025 · Draft Compensation for Miscarriages of Justice (Alteration of Overall Compensation Limits) Order 2025 · Hansard source
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    I thank the shadow Minister for his comments. The draft order is an important part of the Government’s work to ensure that people are appropriately compensated. This is the first time that the caps have been increased since their introduction in 2008, and I am proud that it is a Labour Government who are doing so. Grave miscarriages of justice should be addressed by compensating those who have been wronged by the state. I hope that hon. Members will agree that this is a necessary instrument, and I commend it to the Committee. Question put and agreed to.

  • 20 Oct 2025 · Draft Compensation for Miscarriages of Justice (Alteration of Overall Compensation Limits) Order 2025 · Hansard source
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    I beg to move, That the Committee has considered the draft Compensation for Miscarriages of Justice (Alteration of Overall Compensation Limits) Order 2025. It is an honour to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Vickers. I think we can all agree that miscarriages of justice have a devastating impact on all those who suffer them. Such individuals are victims of the state, so it is right that the state should support them by helping to rebuild their lives. Although miscarriages of justice are thankfully rare, they do occur, and when they do, it is vital that the criminal justice system learns lessons to minimise the risk of their happening again and that we support those whose lives have, sadly, been affected. Justice for the wrongly convicted is vital to the Government’s ambition to restore confidence in the criminal justice system as part of our plan for change. With the introduction of this draft statutory instrument, we are taking action to ensure that victims of miscarriages of justice will continue to be appropriately compensated to support them to rebuild their lives, while keeping in mind the wider financial context. Of the two compensation schemes, one relates to convictions in the civilian justice system and the other to convictions by the court martial. Both have caps on the maximum amount that can be paid for a qualifying miscarriage of justice. The purpose of the draft order, therefore, is to increase the maximum amount that can be paid under the two schemes by 30%, so that where an individual has spent at least 10 years in prison, the maximum amount they can receive will increase from £1 million to £1.3 million; in all other cases, the maximum amount will increase from £500,000 to £650,000. We consider that to be a substantial and appropriate increase at this time. When the Government came to power, we inherited a justice system at breaking point. As part of our plan for change, we are fixing the foundations across the entire system, including with the introduction of this draft instrument, which reflects the increase in compensation caps for those who have suffered miscarriages of justice since they were introduced in the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008. We will continue to monitor the scheme and keep the caps under review. It is, of course, important to keep in mind that the compensation schemes are only one route by which an individual can receive compensation following a wrongful conviction. Applicants may also be able to pursue civil claims against public bodies, if their fault has led to the miscarriage of justice. I will now deal with the compensation schemes in a little more detail. For those who have suffered a qualifying miscarriage of justice in the civilian criminal justice system, the payment of compensation is governed by section 133 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988. Applications for compensation under that scheme are determined, and compensation is payable by, the responsible devolved Government. In practice, that means that the Secretary of State for Justice is responsible for cases in England and Wales; Scottish Ministers for cases in Scotland; and the Northern Ireland Department of Justice for cases in Northern Ireland. That reflects the position that miscarriages of justice compensation are a transferred matter. For a very small number of cases in Northern Ireland involving sensitive national security information, however, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has responsibility. The caps apply to all cases for compensation, except cases in Scotland, which are not subject to any caps. For those who have suffered a qualifying miscarriage of justice following a conviction by the court martial, section 276 of the Armed Forces Act 2006 provides that applications are determined, and compensation is payable, by the Secretary of State for Defence. The draft instrument will increase the caps that apply to cases of compensation payable by the respective Secretary of State—those being cases in England and Wales, Northern Ireland national security cases, and cases under the Armed Forces Act. The instrument will have no effect on the caps that apply to compensation payable by the Northern Ireland Department of Justice, as it has a separate power to amend its caps. Hon. Members may also wish to be aware that the Law Commission is consulting on a wide range of changes to the laws relating to criminal appeals, including reviewing compensation for miscarriages of justice. We look forward to its final report, due next year, and we remain committed to ensuring that any changes we make will promote fairness and justice for all involved in criminal justice proceedings. To conclude, this draft instrument is part of our mission to improve the Government’s response to miscarriages of justice. We believe it is crucial to ensure that victims of miscarriages of justice continue to be appropriately compensated, while remaining mindful of the wider financial context.

  • 16 Sept 2025 · Funeral Sector: Regulation · Hansard source
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    On 15 July, the Fuller inquiry recommended introducing statutory regulation for funeral directors. The Government recognise the urgency of the concerns raised and we are carefully considering all the recommendations. The Government have committed to responding to the inquiry with an interim update on progress this year, and a final response will be given by summer 2026.

  • 16 Sept 2025 · Funeral Sector: Regulation · Hansard source
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    The whole House will be utterly horrified at the cases of Zoe and Cody and what they have had to go through. Dignity for our deceased should be upheld by all as something of fundamental importance. My colleagues and I are committed to ensuring that we get funeral regulation right, and I am working on that with colleagues in the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, the Department of Health and Social Care, and the Department for Business and Trade. I would be honoured to meet my hon. Friend, Zoe and Cody to discuss this further.

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    It is unacceptable that this is being allowed to carry on in our courts, which is why we are taking that fundamental reform, because without victims we would not have a criminal justice system and it is important that we put them at the heart of this. We are funding independent domestic abuse advocates to support victims, to get them through the system quicker. We are also committed to rolling out more specialist domestic abuse courts. That was one of the clear recommendations of the Leveson review, and it is something that the Courts Minister, my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Finchley and Golders Green (Sarah Sackman), and I are working closely on to support victims, but I will happily discuss this further with the hon. Member to ensure that we get this right for victims of domestic abuse.

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    Thank you, Mr Speaker. The shadow Justice Secretary says from a seated position that this is about justice for victims. If this was really about justice for victims, in the 14 years of his Government he would have carried out reforms to ensure that victims got swift justice. Instead, he presided over a criminal justice system that is at breaking point, where victims are waiting years for their day in court, and where prisons are overflowing and we are unable to ensure that there is always a space available. It is this Government that are ensuring there will always be a prison place available. It is this Government that are getting on with carrying out the recommendations of the national grooming inquiry. It is this Government that take victims and justice seriously.

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    I thank my hon. Friend for that important question. She is a tireless advocate for all victims of violence against women and girls. She will know that this Government are committed to supporting those victims in court through measures such as section 28, the witness service and our victim liaison officers. To further support victims, the Ministry of Justice also funds support services such as independent sexual violence advocates and independent domestic violence advocates. We are also committed to introducing free, independent legal advisers for victims of adult rape across England and Wales, and I hope to announce more on that measure soon.

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    I thank the hon. Member for that really important question. All my thoughts are with Louise and, sadly, so many like her who are waiting for justice. We know that justice delayed is justice denied. That is why we asked Sir Brian Leveson to conduct the once-in-a-generation reform of our criminal courts system: to ensure that we have a criminal justice system fit for the future, which breaks down the backlog on our court cases so that victims such as Louise are no longer waiting for justice.

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    I was pleased to attend the Justice Committee to discuss how important section 28 is to vulnerable witnesses and victims, and the difference that it makes by allowing victims of rape and sexual offence crimes specifically to be maintained within the justice system, allowing them to give their evidence in a safe manner that is more accessible to them. In a justice system where currently 60% of rape victims are withdrawing from the process because of the backlog, the waits and how traumatic it is, anything that helps them to be maintained in the criminal justice system is worth championing.

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    It is vital that victims feel supported at court. The Ministry of Justice funds the national witness service, which provides support on the day of trial, and independent sexual violence advocates can accompany victims while they are in the courtroom. Pre-trial, victims can receive support from victim liaison officers or from the MOJ-funded victim support services, and that is available throughout their criminal justice journey.

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    Child sexual abuse is one of the most abhorrent crimes in our society. That is why it is this Government who are enacting the recommendations of the grooming gangs inquiry. That is why we have kicked off the review into ensuring that victims get the justice they so deserve. It is why we are today introducing a Hillsborough law—a groundbreaking law to ensure that victims and survivors never again have to wait decades for truth and justice.

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    I commit to look at that further.

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    I have had several productive conversations with the chief coroner, looking at how we can make the inquest process as quick as possible to ensure that the bereaved are supported and not left traumatised waiting for their inquest. The Bill we are laying before Parliament today, the Hillsborough law, has many parts looking at how to improve the inquest process and it gives more powers to coroners. We are looking at what more we can do on the reform of inquests. I look forward to working with my hon. Friend and others on how to improve the coronial process.

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    We will be consulting on a new victims code in due course to make sure that all these crimes are captured, so that we can support all victims. I would be happy to discuss this matter further with the right hon. Gentleman.

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    I am happy to meet Voices to discuss that guidance. We have been working with organisations like the Children and Family Court Advisory and Support Service and CAFCASS Cymru to ensure that victims and survivors have the best support available when they are navigating the family court process.

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